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UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 



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THE HEROES 



OF THE 



INDIAN REBELLION 



BY 



^' 



D. W. BARTLETT. 









/2 



COLUMBUS, OHIO: 

FOLLETT, FOSTER & OO 



Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1859, 

By FOLLETT, FOSTER & CO., 

In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States, for the Southern District 

of Ohio. 



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CONTENTS. 



PAOE. 

PREFATORY 5 

CAPTAIN HODSON, CAPTOR OF THE KING OF DELHI 7 

HAVELOCK 48 

REV. MR. POLEHAMPTON, CHAPLAIN AT LUCKNOW 100 

A LADY'S ESCAPE FROM GWALIOR HI 

THE STORY OF CAWNPORE, by Captain Thompson, one op the 

ONLY TWO SIJEVIVOES OP THE CaWNPOEE GaEEISON 186 

THE CHAPLAIN'S NARRATIVE OF THE SIEGE OP DELHI 265 

THE ADVENTURES OF JUDGE EDWARDS IN ROHILCUND, 

FUTTEHGHUR, AND OUDE 330 

SIR HENRY LAWRENCE AND THE DEFENSE OF LUCKNOW.. 390 
GREATHED AND CAMPBELL AFTER THE FALL OF DELHI... 447 

3 



PREFATORY. 



In preparing the present work for publication the author 
has gone carefully over the long list of English books 
called forth by the mutiny in India, gathering what seemed 
to him the most thrilling narratives and sketches. This 
book is, therefore, an abridgment and compilation, rather 
than an original work, for the reason that no outsider can 
equal in simplicity, and pathos, and graphic force, the men 
and women who tell their own stories of the Indian Re- 
bellion. 

Not the soldier alone, but the civilian and the delicate 
woman have been singled out for the especial attention of 
the reader. 

With the exception of Havelock, no soldier has been 
separately sketched, but the heroism of officers and men 
is allowed to develop itself in the course of the thrilling 
narratives which make up the volume. 

There is not a single sketch or story of the Rebellion 
which is not authenticated abundantly ; and, in fact, the 
character of the men and women who wrote them is such 
as to require no authentication. 

D. W. B. 

Washington, D. C, September, 1859. 

5 



THE 

HEROES OF THE IIDIAN REBELLION. 



CAPTAIN HODSON, 

THE CAPTOR OF THE KING OF DELHI. 

The life of Captain Hodson, one of the heroes of Delhi, has 
been written by his brother, and we gather from it the sub- 
joined sketch of his career: 

The career of the Indian Captain of Irregulars may fairly 
challenge comparison with that of Fernando Perez, or any 
other hero of romance, and we may well apply to the English- 
man, lying in the death-chamber of Lucknow, the poet's 
touching farewell to the peerless knight Durandarte, stretched 
on the bloody sward at Eoncesvalles : 

" Kind in manners, fair in favor, 
Mild in temper, fierce in fight ; 
Warrior nobler, gentler, braver. 
Never shall behold the light." 

William Stephen Kaikes Hodson, third son of the Arch- 
deacon of Stafford, was born in March, 1821, and went, when 
fourteen years old, to Eugby, where he staid for more than 
four years, two of which were spent in the sixth form under 
Arnold. At school he was a bright, pleasant boy, fond of fun, 
and with abilities decidedly above the average, but of no very 
marked distinction, except as a runner ; in which exercise, how- 
ever, he was almost unequaled, and showed great powers of 

7 



b HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

endurance. None of Ws old school-fellows have been surprised 
to hear of his success as the head of the Intelligence Depart- 
ment of an army, or of his marvelous marches and appeal*- 
ances in impossible places as Captain of Irregular Horse. 
Siich performances only carry us back to. first calling over, 
when we used to see him come in, splashed and hot, and to hear 
his cheery " Old fellow ! I've been to Brinklow since dinner." 
But, as a boy, he was not remarkable for physical strength or 
courage, and none of us would have foretold that he would 
become one of the most daring and successful swordsmen in 
the Indian army. We only mention the fact, because it is of 
great importance that the truth in this matter, which the lives 
of Hodson and others have established, should be as widely 
acknowledged as possible. A man born without any natural 
defect can, in this as in other respects., make his own character ; 
no man need be a coward who will not be one ; and a high 
purpose steadfastly kept in view will in the end help a man to 
the doing of nobler deeds of daring than any amount of natural 
combativeness. 

From Rugby he went to Trinity, Cambridge, where he took 
his degree in 1844 ; but fortunately for his country, and — let us 
own it, hard as it is as yet to do so — for himself also, a con- 
stitutional tendency to headache led him to choose the army 
rather than a learned profession. After a short service in the 
Guernsey militia, which he entered to escape superannuation, 
he got a cadetship, and embarked for India. Sir William 
Napier, then Governor of Guernsey, gave him a letter to his 
brother. Sir Charles, and himself wrote of him, "I think he 
will be an acquisition to any service. His education, his ability, 
his zeal to make himself acquainted with military matters, gave 
me the greatest satisfaction during his service with the militia." 
His brother's letter never was presented to Sir Charles Napier, 
as we infer from the passage at page 104, where it is mentioned 
again. *' I did n't show him his brother's letter," writes Hod- 



CAPTAIN HODSON. 9 

son, in 1850, "that lie miglit judge for himself first, and 
know me 'per se,' or rather 'per me.' I will, however, if 
ever I see him again." He never saw Sir Charles again ; 
hut what a glimpse of the man's character we get from these 
few lines ! 

On the 13th of Septemher, 1845, Hodson landed in India, 
and went up country at once to Agra. Here he found the 
Hon. James Thomason, Lieutenant-Governor of the North- 
west Provinces, a family friend and connection, with whom he 
staid till November 2d, when he was appointed to do duty 
with the 2d Grenadiers, and began his military career as part 
of the escort of the Governor-General, who was on his way to 
the Punjaub. In that quarter a black cloud had gathered, which 
it was high time it should be looked after. 

Hodson, however, marches on, all unconscious, and his first 
letters give no hint of coming battle, but contain a charmingly- 
graphic description of the life of an Indian army on march. 
Here, too, in the very outset, we find that rare virtue of making 
the best of everything peeping out, which so strongly character- 
ized him. 

"It is a sudden change of temperature, truly — from near 
freezing at starting, to 90 degrees or 100 degrees at arriving. 
It sounds hot, but a tent at 84 degrees is tolerably endurable, 
especially if there is a breeze." 

At Umbala he attends a grand muster of troops, and sees 
the Irregulars for the first time. 

" The quiet-looking and English-dressed Hindoo troopers 
strangely contrasted with the wild Irregulars in all the fanciful 
wnuniformity of their native costume ; yet these last are the 
men /fancy for service." 

This was on the 2d of December. On Christmas day he 
writes : 

" I have been in four general engagements of the most for- 
midable kind ever known in India. On the 10th, on our usual 



10 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

quiet march, we were surprised by being joined by an additional 
regiment, and by an order for all non-soldiers to return to 
Umbala." 

Then comes the description of forced marches, and battles 
which one feels were won — and that was all. The same story 
every-where as to the Sepoys ; at Moodkee " our Sepoys .could 
not be got to face the tremendous fire of the Sikh artillery, 
and, as usual, the more they quailed the more the English 
officers exposed themselves in vain efforts to bring them 

on At Ferozeshah, on the evening of 

the 21st, as we rushed toward the guns in the most dense dust 
and smoke, and under an unprecedented fire of grape, our 
Sepoys again gave way and broke. It was a fearful crisis, 
but the bravery of the English regiments saved us. A ball 
struck my leg below the knee, but happily spared the bone. I 
was also knocked down twice — once by a shell bursting so 
close to me as to kill the men behind me, and once by the ex- 
plosion of a magazine. The wound in my leg is nothing, as 
you may judge when I tell you that I was on foot or horseback 
the whole of the two following days. .... No 
efforts could bring the Sepoys forward, or half the loss might 
have been spared, had they rushed on with the bayonet. 
Just as we were going into action I stumbled on poor Carey, 
whom you may remember to have heard of at Price's, at Rugby. 
On going over the field on the 30th, I found the body actually cut 
to pieces by the keen swords of the Sikhs, and but for his clothes 
could not have recognized him. I had him carried into camp 
for burial, poor fellow, extremely shocked at the sudden term- 
ination of our renewed acquaintance. . . . I enjoyed 
all, and entered into it with great zest, till we came to actual 
blows, or rather, I am — now — half ashamed to say, till the 
blows were over, and I saw the horrible scenes which ensue on 
war. I have had quite enough of such sights now, and hope 
it may not be my lot to be exposed to them again. . . We 



CAPTAIN HODSON. 11 

are resting comfortably in our tents, and had a turkey for our 
Christmas dinner." 

In the next letter the fight at Sobraon is described : 

" On we went as usual in the teeth of a dreadful fire of guns 
and musketry, and after a desperate struggle we got within 
their triple and quadruple intrenchments ; and then their day of 
reckoning came indeed. Driven from trench to trench, and 
surrounded on all sides, they retired, fighting most bravely, to 
the river, into which they were driven pell-mell, a tremendous 
fire of musketry pouring on them from our bank, and the Horse 
Artillery finishing their destruction with grape. I had the 
pleasm^e myself of spiking two guns which were turned on us." 

A rough baptism of war, this, for a young soldier ! No 
wonder that, when the excitement is over, for the moment he 
thinks he "has had enough of such sights." But the poetry 
of battle has entered into him ; witness this glorious sketch of a 
deed done by the 80th Queen's — Staffordshire — 

" I lay between them and my present regiment — 1st E. B. 
Fusileers — on the night of the 21st of December, at Ferozeshah, 
when Lord Hardinge called out, ' Eightieth ! that gun must be 
silenced.' They jumped up, formed into line, and advanced 
through the black darkness, silently and firmly : gradually we 
lost the sound of their tread, and anxiously listened for the 
slightest intimation of their progress — all was still for five 
minutes, while they gradually gained the front of the battery 
whose fires had caused us so much loss. Suddenly M^e heard a 
dropping fire — a blaze of the Sikh cannon followed, then a 
thrilling cheer from the 80th, accompanied by a rattling 
and murderous volley as they sprung upon the battery and 
spiked the monster gun. In a few more minutes they moved 
back quietly, and lay down as before on the cold sand ; but 
they had left forty-five of their number and two captains to 
mark the scene of their exploit by their graves." 

And so in another month, when the war is over and the army 



12 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

on its return, he " catches himself wishing and asking for 
more." 

"Is it not marvelous, as if one had not had a surfeit of kill- 
ing ? But the truth is that is not the motive, but a sort of un- 
defined ambition. ... I remember bursting into tears in 
sheer rage in the midst of the fight at Sobraon at seeing our 
soldiers lying killed and wounded." 

His first campaign is over, and he goes into cantonments. 
The chief impression left on his mind is extreme disappoint- 
ment with the state of the Sepoy regiments, which he expresses 
to Mr. Thomason : 

" In discipline and subordination they seem to be lamentably 
deficient, especially toward the native commissioned and non- 
commissioned officers. On the march, I have foimd these last 
give me more trouble than the men even. My brother officers 
say that I see an unfavorable specimen in the 2d, as regards 
discipline, owing to their frequent service of late, and the 
number of recruits ; but I fear the evil is very wide-spread. It 
may no doubt be traced mainly to the want of European 
officers. This, however, is an evil not likely to be removed on 
any large scale. Meantime, unless some vigorous and radical 
improvement takes place, I think our position will be very un- 
certain and even alarming in the event of extended hostilities. 
You must really forgive my speaking so plainly, and writing 
my own opinions so freely. You encouraged me to do so when 
I was at Agra, if you remember, and I value the privilege too 
highly as connected with the greater one of receiving advice and 
counsel from you, not to exercise it, even at the risk of your 
thinking me presumptuous and hasty in my opinions." 

Acting upon these impressions, he applies for and obtains an 
exchange into the 1st Bengal Europeans, in which he is eighth 
second lieutenant at the age of twenty-five, the junior in rank 
of boys of eighteen and nineteen. He feels that he has difficult 
cards to play, but resolves to make the best of every thing, and 



CAPTAIN HODSON, 13 

regrets only "that the men who are to support the name and 
power of England in Asia are sent out here at an age when 
neither by education nor reflection can they have learned all, or 
even a fraction of what those words mean. It would be a 
happy thing for India and for themselves if all came out here 
at a more advanced age than now ; but one alone breaking 
through the custom in that respect made and provided, must not 
expect to escape the usual fate, or at least the usual annoyances, 
of innovators." 

At this point an opening, of which he was just the man to 
make the most, occurs. Mr. Thomason writes to Colonel after- 
ward Sir Henry Lawrence, the new political agent at Lahore, 
introducing Hodson ; and at once a friendship, founded on mu- 
tual appreciation, springs up between the two, to end only with 
their lives. The agent manages to have the young soldier con- 
stantly in his office, and to get all sorts of work out of him. 
As a reward, he takes him on an expedition into Cashmere, in 
the autumn of 1846, whither they accompany the forces of 
Gholab Singh, to whom the country had been ceded by treaty. 
The letters from Cashmere on this occasion, and again in 1850, 
when he accompanied Sir Henry on a second trip to Cashmere 
and Thibet, are like nothing in the world but an Arabian 
Night which we feel to be true. The chiefs, the priests, the 
monasteries, the troops, the glorious country so misused by 
man, the wretched people, an English lady, young and pretty, 
traveling all alone in the wildest part on pony-back, all pass 
before us in a series of living photographs. We have room, 
however, for one quotation only : 

" The women are atrociously ugly, and screech like the 
witches in Macbeth — so much so, that when the agent asked me 
to give them a rupee or two, I felt it my duty to refuse, firmly 
but respectfully, on the ground that it would be encouraging 
ugliness. 

" I am the luckiest dog unhung," he concludes, " to have got 



M HEROES OF THE INDIAN EEBELLION. 

into Cashmere. I fancy I am tlie first officer of our army who 
lias been here save the few who have come officially." 

Colonel Lawrence was not the man to let his yomig friend's 
powers of work rust, so on their return we find Hodson set to 
huild the famous Hill Asylum for white children at Sabathoo, 

We may as well notice at once, in this early stage of his 
career, the man's honest training of himself in all ways, gi-eat 
and small, to take his place, and do his work in his world- 
battle ; how he faces all tasks, however unwonted, ill-paid, or 
humble, which seem to be helpful ; how he casts off all habits, 
however pleasant or harmless, which may prove hinderances. 
And this he does with no parade or fine sentiment, but simply, 
almost unconsciously, often with a sort of apology which is 
humorously pathetic. For example, when set to work on the 
Asylum, he writes: 

"Colonel Lawrence seems determined I shall have nothing to 
stop me, for his invariable reply to every question is, ' Act on 
your own judgment,' ' Do what you think right,* 'I give you 
carte-blanche to act in my own name, and draw on my funds,' 
and so forth." 

Which confidence is worthily bestowed. Hodson sets to 
work, forgetting all professional etiquette, and giving up society 
for the time. 

" Cutting trees down, getting lime burnt, bricks made, planks 
sawed up, the ground got ready, and then watching the work 
foot by foot ; showing this ' nigger ' how to lay his bricks, an- 
other the proper proportions of a beam, another the construction 
of a door, and to the several artisans the mysteries of a screw, a 
nail, a hinge. You can not say to a man, ' Make me a wall or 
a door,' but you must, with your own hands, measure out his 
work, teach him to saw away here, to plane there, or drive such 
a nail, or insinuate such a suspicion of glue. And when it 
comes to be considered that this is altogether new work to me, 
and has to be exsuded by cogitation on the spot, so as to give 



CAPTAIN HODSON. 15 

an answer to every inquirer, you may understand the amount 
of personal exertion and attention required for the work." 

Again, a few months later, November, 1847 : 

" I am in a high, queer-looking native house among the 
ruins of this old stronghold of the Pathans, with orders ' to 
make a good road from Lahore to the Sutlej, distance forty 
miles,' in as brief a space as possible. On the willing-to-be- 
generally-useful principle, this is all very well, and one gets 
used to turning one's hand to every thing, but certainly — but 
for circumstances over which I had no control — I always 
labored under the impression that I knew nothing at all about 
the matter. However, Colonel Lawrence walked into my 
room promiscuously one morning, and said, ' O, Hodson, we 
have agreed that you must take in hand the road to Ferozepore. 
You can start in a day or two ;' and here I am." 

Again, in January, 1848, he has been sent out surveying. 

" My present role is to survey a part of the country lying 
along the left bank of the Ravee and below the hills, and I am 
daily and all day at work with compasses and chain, pen and 
pencil, following streams, diving into valleys, burrowing into 
hills, to complete my work. I need hardly remark, that, 
having never attempted any thing of the kind hitherto, it is 
bothering at first." 

Again, in April, 1848, he has been set to hear all manner of 
cases, civil, criminal, and revenue, in the Lahore court. 

" This duty is of vast importance, and I sometimes feel a 
half sensation of modesty at being set down to administer 
justice in such matters so early, and without previous training. 
A little practice, patience, and reflection settle most cases to 
one's satisfaction, however ; and one must be content with sub- 
stantial justice as distinguished from technical law." 

Again, in a letter to his brother — 

" Did I tell you, by the by, that I abjured tobacco when I 
left England, and that I have never been tempted by even a 



16 HEROES OP THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

night's al fresco to resume the delusive habit? Nor have I 
told you — because I despaired of your believing it — that I 
have declined from the paths of virtue in respect of beer also, 
this two years past seldom or never tasting that once idolized 
stimulant \" 

We have no space to comment, and can only hope that any 
gallant young oarsman or cricketer bound for India, who may 
read this, will have the courage to follow Hodson's example, 
if he finds himself the better for abstinence, notwithstanding 
the fascination of the drink itself, and the cherished associations 
which twine round the pewter. My dear boys, remember, as 
Hodson did, that if you are to get on well in India it will be 
owing, physically speaking, to your digestions. 

These glimpses will enable the reader to picture to himself 
how Hodson, now Assistant to the Resident at Lahore, as well 
as second in command of the Guides, was spending his time 
between the first and the final Sikh war. Let him throw in 
this description of the duties of "the Guides :" 

"The grand object of the corps is to train a body of men in 
peace to be efficient in war ; to be not only acquainted with 
localities, roads, rivers, hills, ferries, and passes, but have a 
good idea of the produce and supplies available in any part of 
the country ; to give accurate information, not running open- 
mouthed to say that ten thousand horsemen and a thousand 
guns are coming — in true native style — ^but to stop to see 
whether it may not really be only a common cart and a few 
wild horsemen who are kicking up all the dust ; to call twenty- 
five by its right name, and not say ffty for short, as most 
natives do. This, of course, wants a great deal of careful in- 
struction and attention. Beyond this, the officers should give 
a tolerably-correct sketch and report of any country through 
which they may pass, be au fait at routes and means of feed- 
ing troops, and above all — and here you come close upon polit- 
ical duties — keep an eye on the doings of the neighbors, and 




CIAPTAIX HOnSOX. 



CAPTAIN HODSON. 17 

the state of the country, so as to be able to give such informa- 
tion as may lead to any outbreak being nipped in the bud." 

The reader will probably now be of opinion that the young 
Lieutenant, willing to make himself generally useful, and given 
to locomotion, will be not unlikely to turn out a very tough 
nut for the Sikhs to crack when they have quite made up their 
minds to risk another fight ; and that time is rapidly drawing 
near. All through the spring and early summer months there 
are tumults and risings, which tell of a wide conspiracy. Hod- 
son, after a narrow escape of accompanying Agnew to Mooltan, 
is scouring the country backward and forward, catching rebels 
and picking up news. In September the Sikhs openly join 
the rebel Moolraj. General Whish is obliged to raise the siege 
of Mooltan ; the grand struggle between the cow-killers and 
cow-worshipers on the banks of the Chenob has begun. 

We wish we had space to follow Hodson and his Guides 
through the series of daring exploits by which the Doab was 
cleared, and which so enraged the Sikhs that " party after party 
were sent to polish me off, and at one time I couldn't stirabout 
the country without having bullets sent at my head from every 
bush and wall. He was attached to Wheeler's brigade during 
the greater part of the struggle, but joined the army of the 
Punjaub in time for the battle of Gujerat, which finished the 
war, and at which he and Lumsden his commander, and Lake 
of the Engineers, are mentioned in Lord Gough's dispatch as 
most active in conveying orders throughout the action. We 
can not, however, resist one story. The old Brigadier, making 
all haste to join the grand army, where he expects to get up a 
division, leaves two forts at Kulallwala, and four thousand un- 
beaten rebels in his rear. He is ordered back to account for 
them, whereupon Brigadier turns sulky. Hodson urges him to 
move on like lightning and crush them, but "he would not, 
and began to make short marches ; so I was compelled to out- 
maneuver him by a bold stroke." Accordingly he starts with 

2 



18 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

one hundred of his Guides when twenty-five miles from Kulall- 
wala, and fairly frightens a doubtful sirdar " preparing muni- 
tions of war, mounting guns, and looking saucy," out of his 
fort. Whereupon the Sikhs abandon a neighboring fort, and 
the road to Kulallwala is open without a shot fired. 

" In the morning I marched with my litttle party toward the 
enemy, sending back a messenger to the Brigadier to say that I 
was close to the place, and that if he did not come on sharp 
they would run away or overwhelm me. He was dreadfully 
angry, but came on like a good boy ! When within a mile or 
so of the fort, I halted my party to allow his column to get up 
nearer, and as soon as I could see it moved on quietly. The 
ruse told to perfection ; thinking they had only one hundred 
men and myself to deal with, the Sikhs advanced in strength, 
thirty to one, to meet me, with colors flying and drums beating. 
Just then a breeze sprung up, the dust blew aside, and the long 
line of horsemen coming on rapidly behind my party burst 
upon their senses. They turned instantly and made for the 
fort ; so, leaving my men to advance quietly after them, I gal- 
loped up to the Brigadier, pointed out the flying Sikhs, ex- 
plained their position, and begged him to charge them. He 
melted from his wrath, and told two regiments of Irregulars to 
follow my guidance. On we went at the gallop, cut in among 
the fugitives, and punished them fearfully. 

" The Brigadier has grown quite active, and very fond of me 
since that day at Kulallwala, though he had the wit to see how 
brown I had done him by making him march two marches in 
one." It is certainly to the Brigadier's credit that he does 
seem to have appreciated his provoking " Guide," for he men- 
tions him in the highest terms in dispatch after dispatch, and 
at the close of the war comforts him thus : " Had your name 
been Hay or Ramsay, no honors, no appointments, no distinc- 
tioixs, would have been considered too great to mark the services 
you have rendered to Government." 



CAPTAIN HODSON. 19 

The war ended, the Piinjaul) is annexed, and Hodson with it, 
who loses all his appointments and returns to " the Gruides." 

He feels sore, of course, at the loss of his occupation and 
position, but sticks to his drill-sergeant's work now that 
there is nothing higher to do, and pities from his heart the 
dozens of regimental officers at Peshawur who have not an 
hour's work in two days. It is a recently-formed station, with 
a flying column of ten thousand men there for the hot months, 
and no books or society ; " people are pitched headlong on to 
their own resources, and find them very hard falling indeed." 

The first Sikh war had opened Hodson's eyes as to the merits 
of the Sepoys ; the second makes him moralize much about 
the system of promotion. 

He concludes that for war, especially in India, " your leaders 
must be young to be effective ;" in which sentiment we heartily 
agree — but how to get them ? "There are men of iron, like 
Napier and Radetzky, aged men whom nothing affects ; but 
they are just in sufficient numbers to prove the rule by estab- 
lishing exceptions." And would not the following be ludi- 
crous, but that men's lives are in the balance ? 

" A brigadier of infantry, under whom I served during the 
three most critical days of the late war, could not see his regi- 
ment when I led his horse by the bridle till its nose touched the 
bayonets ; and even then he said faintly, ' Pray which way are 
the men facing, Mr. Hodson ?' This is no exaggeration, I 
assure you. Can you wonder that our troops have to recover 
by desperate fighting, and with heavy loss, the advantages 
thrown away by the want of heads and eyes to lead them ? 

" A seniority service, like that of the Company, is all very 
well for poor men ; better still for fools, for they must rise 
equally with wise men ; but for maintaining the discipline and 
efficiency of the army in time of peace, and hurling it on the 
enemy in war, there never was a system which carried so many 
evils on its front and face." 



20 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

His fast friend, Sir Henry Lawrence, again intervenes, and 
lie is appointed an Assistant Commissioner, leaving the Guides 
for a time. In this capacity, in April, 1850, he comes across 
the new Commander-in-chief : 

" I have jnst spent three days in Sir Charles Napier's camp, 
it being my duty to accompany him through such parts of the 
civil district as he may have occasion to visit. He was most 
kind and cordial ; vastly amusing and interesting, and gave me 
even a higher opinion of him than before. To be sure, his lan- 
guage and mode of expressing himself savor more of the last 
than of this century — of the camp than of the court ; but bar- 
ring these eccentricities, he is a wonderful man ; his heart is as 
thoroughly in his work, and he takes as high a tone in all that 
concerns it, as Arnold did in his ; that is to say, the highest the 
subject is capable of. I only trust he will remain with us as 
long as his health lasts, and endeavor to rouse the army from 
the state of slack discipline into which it has fallen. On my 
parting with him he said, * Now, remember, Hodson, if there is 
any way in which I can be of use to you, pray do n't scruple 
to write to me.' " 

After working in the civil service, chiefly in the Cis-Sutlej 
provinces, for nearly two years, under Mr. Edmonstone, he is 
promoted to the command of the Guides on Lumsden's return 
to England. The wild frontier district of Euzofzai is handed 
over to him, where "I am military as well as civil chief; 
and the natural taste of the Euzofzai Pathans for broken 
heads, murder, and violence, as well as their litigiousness 
about their lands, keeps me very hard at work from day to 
day." 

Here he settles with his newly-married wife, " the most for- 
tunate man in the service ; and have I not a right to call 
myself the happiest also, with such a wife and such a home ?" 
For nearly three years he rules this province, building a lai-ge 
fort for his regiment, fighting all marauders from the hills. 



CAPTAIN HODSON. 21 

training Tiis men in all ways, even to practicing their own 
sports with them. 

"William is very clever," his wife writes, "at this [cutting 
an orange, placed on a bamboo, in two, at full speed,] rarely 
failing. He is grievously overworked ; still his health is won- 
derfully good, and his spirits as wild as if he were a boy again. 
He is never so well pleased as when he has the baby in his 
arms." 

Yes, the baby — for now comes in a little episode of home 
and family, a gentle and bright gem in the rough setting of the 
soldier's life ; and the tender and loving father and husband 
stands before us as vividly as thie daring border-leader. 

"You would so delight in her baby tricks," he writes to his 
father. "The young lady already begins to show a singularity 
of taste — refusing to go to the arms of any native woman, and 
decidedly preferring the male population, some of whom are 
distinguished by her special favor. Her own orderly, save the 
mark, never tires of looking at her 'beautiful white fingers,' 
nor she of twisting them into his black beard — an insult to an 
Oriental, which he bears with an equanimity equal to his fond- 
ness for her. The cunning fellows have begun to make use of 
her too, and when they want any thing, ask the favor in the 
name of Lilli Baba — they can not manage ' Olivia ' at all. 
They know the spell is potent." 

This happiness was not destined to last. In July, 1854, the 
child dies. 

" The deep agony of this bereavement I have no words to 
describe," the father writes. " She had wound her little being 
round om* hearts to an extent which we neither of us knew till 
we awoke from the brief dream of beauty, and found ourselves 
childless." 

Another trial, too, is at hand. In the autumn of 1854, Sir 
H. Lawrence is removed from the Punjaub, and in October 
charges are trumped up — there is no other word for it, looking 



22 HEROES OP THE INDIAN' REBELLION. 

to the result — against Hodson, in both his civil and military 
capacity. A court of inquiry is appointed ; and before that 
court has reported, he is suspended from all civil and military 
duty. 

Into the details of the charges against him we will not enter, 
lest we should be tempted into the use of hard words, which his 
brother has nobly refrained from. All that need be stated is, 
that the sting lay in the alleged confusion of his regimental 
accounts. The Court of Inquiry appointed Major Taylor to 
examine these, and report on them. This was January, 1855 ; 
in February, 1856, Taylor presented an elaborate report, Avholly 
exculpating Hodson. Mr. Montgomery — then Commissioner 
for the Punjab, now Chief Commissioner in Oude — to whom 
it was submitted, calls it the most satisfactory report he ever 
read, and most triumphant. This report, however, though 
made public on the spot, had not, even in May, 1857, been 
communicated to the Government of India ; whether suppressed 
on purpose or not, there is no evidence. But when at last fairly 
brought to their notice by a remonstrance from the accused, the 
satisfactory natui'e of the document may be gathered from the 
fact that the answer is, " his remonstrance will be placed on 
record for preservation, not for justification, which it is fully 
admitted was not required — no higher testimonials were ever 
produced." 

It is with the man himself that we are concerned. We haA^e 
seen him in action, and in prosperity : how will he face dis- 
grace and disaster ? 

" I must endeavor to face the wrong, the grievous, foul wrong, 
with a constant and unshaken heart, and to endure humiliation 
and disgrace with as much equanimity as I may, and with the 
same soldier-like fortitude with which I ought to face danger, 
suffering, and death in the path of duty. . . . Our 

darling babe was taken from us on the day my public misfor- 
tunes began, and death has robbed us of our father before their 



CAPTAIN HODSON. , 23 

end. The brain -pressure was almost too much for me. . . I 
strive to look the worst boldly in the face as I would an enemy 
in the field, and to do my appointed work resolutely and to the 
best of my ability, satisfied that there is a reason for all ; and 
that even irksome duties well done bring their own reward, and 
that if not, still they are duties. 

" It is pleasant to find that not a man who knows me has 
any belief that there has been any thing wrong. . . Not 

one of them all — and, indeed, I believe I might include my 
worst foes and accusers in the category — believes that I have 
committed any more than errors of judgment." 

Thus he writes to brother and sister ; and, for the rest, goes 
back resolutely to his old regiment, and begins again the com- 
mon routine of a subaltern's duties, congratulating himself 
that the colonel wishes to give him the adjutancy, in which 
post " I shall have the opportunity of learning a good deal of 
woiic which will be useful to me, and of doing, I hope, a good 
deal of good among the men. It will be the first step up the 
ladder again, after tumbling to the bottom." 

The colonel gets him to take the office of quartermaster, 
however, not the adjutancy, the former office " having fallen 
into great disorder ;" and in January, 1857, the honest old 
officer, of his own accord, writes a letter to the Adjutant-Gen- 
eral, requesting him to submit to the Commander-in-Chief 
" his public record and acknowledgment of the essential 
service Lieutenant Hodson has done the regiment at his special 
request ;" and urging on his Excellency to find some worthier 
employment for the said Lieutenant. In the same tone writes 
Brigadier Johnstone, commanding at Umbala, through whom 
the colonel's letter had to be forwarded ; and who "trusts his 
Excellency will allow of his submitting it in a more special 
and marked manner than by merely countersigning ; for," goes 
on the General, " Lieutenant Hodson has with patience, perse- 
verance, and zeal, undertaken and carried out the laborious 



24 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

minor duties of the regimental staff, as well as those of a com- 
pany ; and with a diligence, method, and accuracy, such as the 
best trained regimental officers have never surpassed." 

We sympathize entirely with the editor, when he hursts out, 
"I know nothing in my brother's whole career more truly 
admirable, or showing more real heroism, than his conduct at 
this period, while battling with adverse fates." 

But there was now no need of letters from generals or colonels— 
however acceptable such testimonies might Ije in themselves — 
to restore Hodson to his proper position, for the mutter- 
ings of the great eruption are already beginning to be heard, 
and the ground is heaving under the feet of the English in 
India. 

*' We are in a state of some anxiety, owing to the spread of 
a very serious spirit of dissatisfaction among the Sepoy army. 
It is our great danger in India, and Lord Hardinge's prophecy, 
that our biggest fight in India would be with our own army, 
seems not unlikely to be realized, and that before long. Native 
papers, education, and progress are against keeping two hun- 
dred thousand native mercenaries in hand." 

This is not the exact time a sane commander-in-chief 
looking about for helpful persons, should choose for letting a 
certain Lieutenant Hodson, lately under a cloud, but we hear a 
smart officer, and of great knowledge concerning and influence 
with natives, out of our reach. So thinks General Anson about 
the 5th of May, 1857, when Hodson, out of all patience at 
finding that Taylor's report has never reached the authorities at 
Calcutta, applies to him for leave to go to Calcutta to clear 
himself. However, by this time the ill-used Lieutenant can 
afford to joke about his own misfortunes, and writes : 

"There were clearly three courses open to me, 'a la Sir 
Eobert Peel.' 

"1. Suicide. 

" 2. To resign the service in disgust, and join the enemy. 



CAPTAIN HODSON. 25 

3. To make the Govern or- General eat his words and apol- 
ogize. 

" I choose the last. 

" The first was too melodramatic and foreign ; the second 
would have been a triumph to my foes in the Punjab ; besides, 
the enemy might have been beaten ! 

" I have determined, therefore, on a trip to Calcutta." 

Wherefore General Anson has interviews with this outra- 
geous lieutenant ; is "most polite, even cordial ;" and "while 
approving of my idea of going down to Calcutta, and think- 
ing it plucky to undertake a journey of two thousand, five 
hundred miles in such weather," thinks " I had better wait till 
I hear again from him, for he will himself write to Lord Can- 
ning, and try to get justice done me." 

In six days from this time India is in a blaze. 

With the news of the outbreak came orders to the 1st 
European Fusileers to move down to Umbala, on the route to 
Delhi. They march the sixty miles in less than two days, but 
on their arrival find an unsatisfactory state of things. 

" Here," writes Hodson, " alarm is the prevalent feeling, and 
conciliation, of men with arms in their hands and in a state of 
absolute rebeHion, the order of the day. This system, if pur- 
sued, is far more dangerous than any thing the Sepoys can do 
to us. I do trust the authorities will act with vigor, else there 
is no knowing where the affair will end. 0, for Sir Charles 
now ! The times are critical, but I have no fear of aught save 
the alarm and indecision of our rulers." 

The Commander-in-chief arrives, and now, to Hodson's 
most naive astonishment, which breaks out in the comic- 
alist way in his letters, he regains all he has ever lost by 
one leap. 

" May VJth. — Yesterday I was sent for by the Commander- 
in-chief, and appointed Assistant Quartermaster-General on 
his personal staff, to be under the immediate orders of his 



26 HEKOES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

Excellency, and witli command to raise one hundred liorse and 
fifty foot, for service in the Intelligence Department, and as per- 
sonal escort. All this was done, moreover, in a most compli- 
mentary way, and it is quite in my line." 

We can see clearly enough, from our own point of view, 
what has been at work for a Lieutenant lately under a cloud. 
The plot thickens apace. 

But who, at this juncture, will open the road to Meerut, from 
the General in command of which place we want papers and 
intelligence ? The following extract from the letter of an offi- 
cer stationed at that place will perhaps explain : 

" When the mutiny broke out our communications were com- 
pletely cut off. One night, on outlying picket at Meerut, this 
subject being discussed, I said : ' Hodson is at Umbala, I know, 
and I '11 bet he will force his way through, and open communi- 
cations with the Commander-in-chief and ourselves.' At about 
three that night I heard my advanced sentries firing. I rode 
off to see what was the matter, and they told me that a party 
of the enemy's cavalry had approached their post. When day 
broke, in galloped Hodson. He had left Kurnal — seventy-six 
miles off — at nine the night before, with one led horse, and an 
escort of Sikh cavalry, and, as I had anticipated, here he was, 
with dispatches for Wilson. How I quizzed him for approach- 
ing an armed post at night without knowing the parole ! Hod- 
son rode straight to Wilson, had his interview, a bath, break- 
fast, and two hours' sleep, and then rode back the seventy-six 
miles, and had to fight his way for about thirty miles of the 
distance." 

The pace pleased the General, Hodson supposes ; for "he or- 
dered me to raise a corps of irregular horse, and appointed me 
commandant;" but "still no tidings from the hills" — where 
his wife is. " This is a terrible additional pull upon one's nerves 
at a time like this, and is a phase of war I never calculated on." 

On the 27th of May the march toward Delhi begins, and 



CAPTAIN HODSON. 27 

Hodson accompanies, acting as Assistant Quartermaster-General 
attaclied to the Commander-in-cliief, "with free access to him. 
at any time, and to other people in authority, which gives me 
power for good. The Intelligence Department is mine exclu- 
sively, and I have for this line Sir Henry's, old friend, the 
one-eyed Moulvie, Eujub Alee ; so I shall get the best news in 
the country." He starts, too, happy about his wife, from 
whom he has heard — the hill stations all safe, and likely to re- 
main so. 

General Anson dies of cholera, and General Barnard suc- 
ceeds ; still, oddly enough, no change takes place in our Lieu- 
tenant's appointments. And so the little a:-my marches all too 
slowly, as the Lieutenant thinks and remonstrates, upon Delhi. 
Other men are answering to the pressure of the times : 

"Colonel T. Seaton and the other officers have gone to Eoh- 
tuck with the 60th Native Infantry, who, I have no doubt, will 
desert to a man as soon as they get there. It is very plucky of 
him and the other officers to go, and very hard of the authorities 
to send them — a half-hearted measure, and very discreditable, 
in my opinion, to all concerned ; affording a painful contrast 
to Sir John Lawrence's bold and decided conduct in this crisis. 
This regiment — 1st Fusileers — is a credit to any army, and the 
fellows are in as high spirits and heart, and as plucky, and as 
free from croaking as possible, and really do good to the whole 
force. 

"Alfred Light doing his work manfully and well. 
Montgomery has come out very, very strong indeed ; but many 
are beginning to knock up already ; and this is but the begin- 
ning of this work, I fear ; and before this business ends, we who 
are, thank God, still young and strong shall alone be left in 
camp. All the elderly gentlemen will sink under the fatigue 
and exposure." 

'^ June bth. — Headquarters arrive at Aleepore, nearly at the 
end of our mai-ch — in fact, one may say at the end, for on that 



28 HEKOES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

day I rode right up to the Delhi parade-ground to reconnoiter, 
and the few sowars whom 1 met galloped away like mad at the 
sight of one white face. ' Had I had a hundred Gruides with 
me, I would have gone up to the very walls.' And on June 
8th we occupy our position before Delhi, having driven the 
enemy out of their position ; not without loss, for Colonel Ches- 
ter is killed, Alfred Light — who won the admiration of all — 
tvounded. . . . No one else of the Staff party killed or 
wounded ; hut our general returns will, I fear, tell a sad tale. 
T am mercifully unhurt, and write this line in pencil on the top 
of a drum to assure you thereof." 

We must break the narrative here for a moment, now that we 
have got the combatants face to face in the place of decision, to 
submit to our readers our own conviction that this same siege 
of Delhi, beginning on June 9th, and ending triumphantly on 
September 22, 1857, is the feat of arms of which England has 
most cause to be proud. From Cressy to Sebastopol, it has 
never been equaled. A mere handful of Englishmen, for half 
the time numbering less than three thousand, sat down, in the 
open field, in the worst days of an Indian summer, without 
regular communication' — for the dSks were only got carried by 
bribery, stage by stage — without proper artillery, and, last 
and worst of all, without able leading, before and took a city 
larger than Glasgow, garrisoned by an army trained by English- 
men, and numbering at first twenty thousand, in another ten 
days thirty-seven thousand, and at last seventy -five thousand 
men, supplied with all but exhaustless munitions of war, and 
in the midst of a nation in arms. *' I venture to aver," writes 
Hodson, "that no other nation in the world would have re- 
mained here, or have avoided defeat had they attempted to do 
so." We agree with him, and we do trust that the nation will 
come to look at the siege of Delhi in the right light, and 
properly to acknowledge and reward the few who remain of 
that band of heroes who saved British India. 



CAPTAIN HODSON. 29 

Our readers must also remember that we are not giving the 
story of the siege, but the story of Hodson's part therein, and 
must, therefore, not think we are unduly putting him forward, to 
the depreciation of other as glorious names. But what we 
have, is Hodson's life, compiled from his daily letters to his 
wife. No doubt the work of the regulars was as important— 
perha,ps even more trying — than that of the Captain of Irregu- 
lar Cavalry, Assistant Quartermaster-General, and head of the 
Intelligence Department ; but these were his duties, and not the 
others', and we shall now see how he fulfilled them. 

On the first day of the siege, the " Guides " march into camp. 
" It would have done your heart good to see the welcome 
they gave me — cheering, and shouting, and crowding around 
me like frantic creatures. They seized my bridle, dress, hands, 
and feet, and literally threw themselves down before the horse, 
with the tears streaming down their faces. Many officers who 
were present hardly knew what to make of it, and thought the 
creatures were mobbing me; and so they were, but for joy, not 
for mischief." 

" ' Burr ah Serai-wallah !' they shouted — 'great in battle,' in 
the vulgar tongue — making the statf and others open their eyes, 
who do not much believe, for their part, in the power of any 
Englishman really to attach to himself any native rascals. 

" Next day, June lOth, the ball opens. The mutineers 
march out in force and attack our position. 

" ' I had command of all the troops on our right, the gallant 
Guides among the rest. They followed me, with a cheer for 
their old commander, and behaved with their usual pluck, and 
finally we drove the enemy in with loss. . . . Indeed, I did not 
expose myself unnecessarily ; for having to direct the move- 
ments of three or four regiments, I could not be in the front as 
much as I wished.' " 

But wives will be anxious, my Lieutenant, and making all 
just allowances, it must be confessed that you give her fair cause. 



30 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

" * The warmth of the reception again given me by the 
Guides was quite affecting, and has produced a great sensation 
in camp, and had a good effect on our native troops, insomuch 
that they are more willing to obey their European officers 
when they see their own countrymen's enthusiasm. 

" ' My position is Assistant Quartermaster-General on the 
Commander-in-chief's personal staff. I am responsible for the 
Intelligence Department, and in the field, or when any thing is 
going on for directing the movements of the troops in action, 
under the immediate orders of the General.' 

" Again, on June 12th, we are at it : 

" 'A sharp fight for four hours, ending as usual. They have 
never yet been so punished as to-day. The Guides behaved 
admirably, so did the Fusileers, as usual. I am vexed much 
at the Lahore Chronicle butter, and wish people would leave me 
alone in their newspapers. The best butter I get is the defer- 
ence and respect I meet with from all whose respect I care 
for, and the affectionate enthusiasm of the Guides, which in- 
creases instead of lessening.' 

" But this daily repulsing attacks can not be allowed to go 
on : can not we have something to say to attacking them ? So 
the General thinks, and sets Greathed, assisted by me and two 
more engineers, to submit a plan for taking Delhi. 

" 'We drew up our scheme and gave it to the General, who 
highly approved, and will, I trust, carry it out ; but how times 
must be changed, when four subalterns are called upon to sug- 
gest a means for carrying out so vitally-important an enterprise 
as this, one on which the safety of the empire depends !' 

" Simple but ' perfectly-feasible ' plan of four subalterns : 
blow open gates with powder, and go in with bayonet ; and 
that there may be no mistake about it, I volunteer to lead the 
assault — wholly unmindful of that assurance given to a loving 
heart in the hills that I am not exposing myself — and fix on 
a small building in front of the gate as the rendezvous, which 



CAPTAIN HODSON. 31 

is now called 'Hodson's Mosqne.' General approves, and 
orders assault for the morning of June 13tli. Alas for our 
* perfectly-feasible ' plan ! 

" ' We were to have taken Delhi by assault last night, but a 
"mistake of orders" (?) as to the right time of bringing the 
troops to the rendezvous prevented its execution. I am miich 
annoyed and disappointed at our plan not having been carried 
out, because I am confident it would have been successful. 
The rebels were cowed^ and perfectly ignorant of any intention 
of so bold a stroke on our part as an assault ; the surprise 
would have done every thing.' 

"Next day there is another fight; a council of war. Our 
plan is still approved, but put off from day to day. Aban- 
doned at last — we are to wait for reinforcements. Poor 
' feasible plan !' 

" * It was frustrated the first night by the fears and absolute 

disobedience of orders of , the man who first lost Delhi, 

and has now by folly prevented its being recaptured. The 
General has twice since wished and even ordered it, but has 
always been thwarted by some one or other ; latterly by that 

old woman , who has come here for nothing apparently 

but as an obstacle ; is also a crying evil to us. The Gen- 
eral knows this and wants to get rid of him, but has not the 
nerve to supersede him. The whole state of affairs here is bad 
to a degree.' 

" And here I am — June 19th — with fights going on every 
day, knocked down with bronchitis and inflammation of the 
chest, 'really very ill for some hours.' 'The General nurses 
me as if I were his son. I woke in the night and found the 
kind old man by my bedside, covering me carefully up from the 
draught.' But on June 20th — bronchitis notwithstanding — I 
am up and at work again, for the Sepoys have attacked our 
rear to-day, and though beaten as usual, Colonel Becher — 
Quartermaster-General — is shot through the right arm, and 



82 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

Daly — commanding Guides — hit through the shoulder. So 
the whole work of the Quartermaster-General's office is on me, 
and the General begs me as a personal favor to take command 
of the Guides in addition. I at first refused, but the General 
was most urgent, putting it on the ground that the service was 
at stake, and none was so fit, etc. I do feel that we are bound 
to do our best just now to put things on a proper footing ; 
and after consulting Seaton and Norman, I accepted the com- 
mand. How w;ill gnash his teeth to see me leading my 

dear old Guides again in the field ! 

"And so we fight on, literally day by day, for now * our ar- 
tillery officers themselves say they are outmatched by these 
rascals in accuracy and rapidity of fire ; and as they have un- 
limited supplies of guns, etc., they are quite beyond us in many 
respects. We are, in point of fact, reduced to merely holding 
our own ground till we get more men.' Still we don't feel at 
all like giving in. 

" 'The wounded generally are doing well, poor fellows, con- 
sidering the heat, dirt, and want of any bed but the dry 
ground. Their pluck is wonderful, and it is not in the field 
alone that joxi see what an English soldier is made of. One 
poor fellow who was smoking his pipe and laughing with the 
comrade by his side, was asked what was the matter with him, 
and he answered in a lively voice, " 0, not much, sir, only a 
little knock on the back ; I shall be up and at the rascals again 
in a day or two." He had been shot in the spine, and all his 
lower limbs were paralyzed. He died next day. Colonel 
Welchman is about again ; too soon, I fear, but there is no 
keeping the brave old man quiet. Poor Peter Brown is very 
badly wounded, but he is cheerful, and bears up bravely. 
Jacob has "come out" wonderfully. He is cool, active, and 
bold, keeps his wits about him under fire, and does altogether 
well. We are fortunate in having him with the force. Good 
field officers are very scarce indeed ; I do not wonder at people 



CAPTAIN HODSON. 33 

at a distance bewailing the delay in the taking of Delhi. No 
one not on the spot can appreciate the difficulties in the way, or 
the painful truth that those difficulties increase upon us..' 

" I am rather out of sorts still myself, also. It is a burden to 
me to stand or walk, and the excessive heat makes it difficult 
for me to recover from that sharp attack of illness. ' The doc- 
tors urge me to go away for a little to get strength — as if I 
could leave just now, or as if I would if I could.' ... So I 
am in the saddle all day — June 24th — though obliged occasion- 
ally to rest a bit where I can find shelter, and one halt is by 
Alfred Light. 

*''It does me good to see the "Light of the ball-room" 
working away at his guns, begrimed with dust and heat, ever 
cheery and cool, though dead beat from fatigue and exposure. 
How our men fought to-day ! liquid fire was no name for the 
fervent heat ; but nothing less than a knock-down blow from 
sun, sword, or bullet stops a British soldier.' 

" My glorious old regiment ! how they have suffered in this 
short three weeks ! Colonel Welchman badly hit in the arm, 
Greville down with fever, Wriford with dysentery, Dennis 
with sun-stroke. Brown with wounds. 

" 'Jacob and the "boys" have all the work to themselves, 
and well indeed do the boys behave — with a courage and cool- 
ness which would not disgrace veterans. Little Tommy Butler, 
Owen, Warner, all behave like heroes, albeit with sadly-dimin- 
ishing numbers to lead. Neville Chamberlain has come in, 
who ought to be worth a thousand men to us.' 

" Those rascals actually came out to-day — June 25th — in 
their red coats and medals ! 

" ' We are not very well off, quant a la cuisine. I never had 
so much trouble in getting any thing fit to eat, except when I 
dine with the General. Colonel Seaton lives in my tent, and is 
a great companion ; his joyous disposition is a perpetual re- 
buke to the croakers.' " 



84 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

And so, too, was your own, my Lieutenant, for we have 
fortunately a letter from a distinguished officer, in which he 
says : 

"Affairs at times looked very queer, from the frightful ex- 
penditure of life. Hodson's face was then like sunshine break- 
ing through the dark clouds of despondency and gloom that 
would settle down occasionally on all but a few brave hearts, 
England's worthiest sons, who were determined to conquer." 

But this siege does set one really thinking in earnest about 
several things, and this is the conclusion at which our 
Lieutenant arrives : 

" There is but one rule of action for a soldier in the field, as 
for a man at all times, to do that which is best for the pub- 
lic good ; to make that your sole aim, resting assured that the 
result will in the end be best for individual interest also. I am 
quite indifferent not to see my name appear in newspaper para- 
graphs and dispatches ; only content if I can perform my duty 
truly and honestly, and too thankful to the Almighty if I am 
daily spared for future labors or future repose." 

But here is another coil this June 27th : 

" ' There has been an outcry throughout the camp at 's 

having fled from Bhagput, the bridge which caused me so much 
hard riding and hard work to get, some time ago.' 

" He has actually bolted, on a report of mutineers coming, 
leaving boats, bridge, and all. By this conduct he has lost our 
communication with Meerut, and that, too, when our reinforce- 
ments were actually in sight. The consequence is that I have to 
go down to Bhagput to recover boats, bridge, etc., and reopen 
communication, which is done at once and satisfactorily ; and 
by July 2d we are quite comfortable ; for I have set myself up 
with plates, etc., for one rupee, and Colonel Beaton's traps and 
servants will be here to-day . . . except that we are some- 
what vexed in our spirits ; for ' has been shelved and al- 
lowed to get sick, to save him from supercession. I do not 



CAPTAIN HODSON. 35 

like eupLuisms. In these days men and things should be 
called by their right names, that we might know how far either 
should be trusted. 

" ' July hth. — General Barnard dies of cholera after a few 
hours' illness. Personally I am much grieved, for no kinder, 
or more considerate, or gentlemanly man ever lived. I am so 
sorry for his son, a fine brave fellow, whose attention to his 
father won the love of us all. It was quite beautiful to see 
them together.' 

" And so we plunge on day after day, the rain nearly flooding 
us out of camp. Will the ladies in the hills make us some 
flannel shirts ? 

" ' The soldiers bear up like men, but the constant state of wet 
is no small addition to what they have to endure from heat, 
hard work, and fighting. I know by experience what a com- 
fort a dry flannel shirt is. 

" ' My 12tk. — ^Three hundred of my new regiment arrive ; 
very fine-looking fellows, most of them. I am getting quite a 
little army under me, what with the Guides and my own men. 
Would to Heaven they would give us something more to do 
than this desultory warfare, which destroys our best men, and 
brings us no whit nearer Delhi, and removes the end of the 
campaign to an indefinite period.' 

" Another fight this 14th July, one of the sharpest we have yet 
had ; and we who have to lead were obliged to expose ourselves, 
but really not more than we could help ; and how the papers 
can have got hold of this wound story I can't think, for I 
did n't tell it even to you. The facts are thus : 

" ' A rascally Pandy made a thrust at my horse, which I par- 
ried, when he seized his "tulwar" in both hands, bringing it 
down like a sledge-hammer ; it caught on the iron of my anti- 
gropelos legging, which it broke into the skin, cut through the 
stirrup-leather, and took a slice off my boot and stocking ; and 
yet, wonderful to say, the sword did not penetrate the skin. 



36 HEROES OF THE INDflAN REBELLION". 

Botli my liorse and myself were staggered by the force of the 
blow, but I recovered myself quickly, and I do n't think that 
Pandy Avill ever raise his " tulwar " again.' 

" But, to show you that I did no more than was necessary, I 
must tell you what Chamberlain had to do, who led in another 
part. 

" ' Seeing a hesitation among the troops he led, who did not 
like the look of a wall lined with Pandies, and stopped short 
instead of going up to it, he leaped his horse clean over the 
wall into the midst of them, and dared the men to follow, 
which they did, but he got a ball in the shoulder.' 

" I must positively give up the Quartermaster-General's work ; 
headquarters' staff seems breaking down altogether. General 
Eeed goes to the hills to-night ; Congreve and Curzon have 
been sent off, too ; Chamberlain and Becher on their backs with 
wounds. 

"'Colonel Young, Norman, and myself are, therefore, the 
only staff representatives of the headquarters' staff, except the 
doctors and commissaries. I am wonderfully well, thank God ! 
and able to get through as much work as any man ; but com- 
manding two regiments, and being eyes and ears to the whole 
army, too, is really too much.' 

" Again, to-day — July 19th — a sharp fight ; Pandies in great 
force — driven pell-mell up to the walls ; but how about getting 
back ? 

" We were commanded by a fine old gentleman, who might 
sit for a portrait of Falstaff, so fat and jolly is he. Colonel 
Jones, of 60th Rifles." 

Jolly old Briton, with the clearest possible notion of going 
on, but as for retiring, little enough idea of that sort of work 
in Colonel Jones. 

" The instant we began to draw off, they followed us, their 
immense numbers giving them a great power of annoyance 
at very slight cost to themselves. The brave old Colonel was 



CAPTAIN HODSON. 37 

going to retire 'all of a heap,' infantry, guns, and all, in a 
helpless mass, and we should have suffered cruel loss in those 
narrow roads, with walls and buildings on both sides. I rode 
up to him and pointed this out, and in reply received carte- 
blanche to act as I saw best. This was soon done with the as- 
sistance of Henry Vicars — Adjutant 61st — and Coghill — Adju- 
tant 2d Bengal European Fusileers — both cool soldiers under 
fire, though so young, and we got off in good order and with 
trifling loss, drawing the men back slowly and in regular order, 
covered by Dixon and Money's guns." 

This Colonel, too, with no notion of retreating, is a candid 
man ; goes straight to the Greneral on his return, and begs to 
thank our Lieutenant, and to say he hopes for no better aid 
whenever he has to lead ; unlike some persons under whom we 
have served. 

" The General has begged me to give up the Guides, and not 
the Quartermaster-General's office. You at least will rejoice 
that it greatly diminishes the risk to life and limb, which, I 
confess, lately has been excessive in my case. 

" News of Wheeler's surrender — of the massacre four days 
later — July 26th — and our blood is running fire. * There will be 
a day of reckoning for these things, and a fierce one, or I have 
been a soldier in vain.' Another fight on the 24th, and Seaton 
down with chest-wound, but doing well ; * he is patient and 
gentle in suffering as a woman, and this helps his recovery 
wonderfully.' . . . Thanks for the flannel waistcoats ; but 
as for you and Mrs. coming to camp as nurses, no. 

" ' Unless any unforeseen emergency should arise, I would 
strongly dissuade any lady from coming to camp. They would 
all very speedily become patients in the very hospitals which 
they came to serve and would so willingly support. The flan- 
nel garments are invaluable, and this is all that can be done for 
us by female hands at present. . . . You say there is a 
great difference between doing one's duty and running unneces- 



38 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

sary risks, and you say truly ; the only question, what is one's 
duty ? Now, I miglit, as I have more than once, see things 
going wrong at a time and place when I might be merely 
a spectator, and not "on duty," or ordered to be there, and I 
might feel that by exposing myself to danger for a time I might 
rectify matters, and I might, therefore, think it right to incur 
that danger ; and yet if I were to get hit, it would be said " he 
had no business there ;" nor should I, as far as the rules of the 
service go, though in my own mind I should have been satisfied 
that I was right. These are times when every man should do 
his best, his utmost, and not say, " No ; though I see I can do 
good there, yet, as I have not been ordered and am not on duty, 
I will not do it." This is not my idea of a soldier's duty, and 
hitherto the results have proved me right.' 

^'August 2>d. — Rumor that Sir Henry is dead at Lucknow. 
The news has quite unnerved me. bth. — Nana Sahib, the mur- 
derer — you remember the man at the artillery review, a " swell "- 
looking, native gentleman, who spoke French, and was talking 
a good deal to Alfred Light — has been beaten by Havelock, 
they say has drowned himself. 

" ' I hope it is not true ; for it is one of my aims to have the 
catching of the said Nana myself. The hanging him would be 
a positive pleasure to me. . . . Nicholson has come on 
ahead of our reinforcements from the Punjab ; a host in him- 
self if he does not go and get knocked over as Chamberlain 
did. 

" ' General Wilson has been down for some days, but is now 
better, but nervous and overanxious about trifles. 
These men are personally as brave as lions, but they have not 
big hearts or heads enough for circumstances of serious respon- 
sibility. 

" ' AugustWth. — Talking of jealousies, one day, under a heavy 

fire. Captain came up to me, and begged me to forget and 

forgive what had passed, and only to remember that we were 



CAPTAIN HODSON. 39 

soldiers fighting together in a common cause. As I was the 
injured party, I could afford to do this. The time and place, 
as well as his manner, appealed to my better feelings, so I held 
out my hands at once. Nowadays we must stand by and 
help each other, forget all injuries, and rise superior to them, 
or, God help us ! we should be in terrible plight.* 

*' August 12th. — A brilliant affair imder Showers ; four guns 
taken. Brave young Owen wounded, 'riding astride one gun, 
and a soldier with musket and fixed bayonet riding each horse, 
the rest cheering like mad things. I was in the thick of it, by 
accident.' " 

By this time Pandy, having been beaten severely in twenty- 
three fights, has had nearly enough of it, and is very chary of 
doing more than firing long shots ; so there is no longer so 
much need of our Lieutenant in camp. He may surely be useful 
in clearing the neighborhood and restoring British rule and 
order ; so we find him starting for Rohtuck on the 17th August 
with three hundred men and five officers — all his own men, and 
first-rate — and Macdowell, two Goughs, Ward, and Wise. On 
the 18th the inhabitants send supplies and fair words, but there 
is a body of a thousand infantry and three hundred horse close 
by who must be handled. Accordingly they are drawn into 
the open by a feigned retreat, and come on firing and yelling in 
crowds. 

" ' Threes about and at them ;' five parties, each headed by 
an officer, are upon them. ' Never was such a scatter ; they 
fled as if not the Guides and Hodson's Horse, but death and the 
devil, were at their heels.' Only eight of my men touched. 
This will encourage my new hands, utterly untrained. 

"Another skirmish, and now * in three days we have 
frightened away and demoralized a force of artillery, cavalry, 
and infantry, some two thousand strong, beat those who stood 
or returned to fight us, twice in spite of numbers, and got fed 
and fm-nished forth by the rascally town itself. Moreover, we 



40 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

have thorouglily cowed the whole neighborhood, and given them 
a taste of what m6re they will get unless they keep quiet in 
future. . . . This is a terribly-egotistical detail, and I am 
thoroughly ashamed of saying so much of myself ; but you 
insisted on having a full, true, and particular account, so do 
not think me vainglorious.' " 

Next come orders, but sadly-indefinite ones, to look out for and 
destroy the 10th Light Cavalry, who are out in the Jheend district. 

" He must either say distinctly ' do this or that,' and I will 
do it ; or he must give me carte-blanche to do what he wants in 
the most practicable way, of which I, knowing the coimtry, 
can best judge. I am not going to fag my men and horses to 
death, and then be told I have exceeded my instructions. He 
gives me immense credit for what I have done, but ' almost 
wishes I had not ventured so far.' The old gentleman means 
well, but does not understand either the country or the position 
I was in, nor does he appreciate a tenth part of the effects which 
our bold stroke at Rohtuck, forty-five miles from camp, has 
produced. ' N'importe,^ they will find it out sooner or later. I 
hear both Chamberlain and Nicholson took my view of the 
case, and supported me warmly. ... I foresee that I shall 
remain a subaltern, and the easy-going majors of brigade, 
aidsdecamp, and staff officers will all get brevets." 

Too true, my Lieutenant. 

" The Victoria Cross, I confess, is the highest object of my 
ambition, and had I been one of fortune's favorites I should 
have had it ere now." 

True again. 

" But whether a Lieutenant or Lieutenant-General, I trust I 
shall continue to do my duty to the best of my judgment and 
ability, as long as strength and sense are vouchsafed to me." 

We trust we are on the whole by this time jDrepared to 
hazard a prophecy, that you will so continue, whether lieuten- 
ant or general. 



CAPTAIN HODSON. 41 

*' August 26/A. — A glorious victory at Nujjufghur by Nichol- 
son. I was not there. Ill in camp ; worst luck. 
Securing the country again till August 30th, when I have to 
receive an emissary from Delhi to treat. 

" Sir Colin Campbell is, they say, at Calcutta, and Mansfield, 
as chief of the staff; so now we may get some leading. 

"We are in Delhi at last — September 15th — -but with griev- 
oixs loss. My dear old regiment — 1st Fusileers — ^suffered out 
of all proportion. 

" ' Of the officers engaged only Wriford, Wallace, and I are 
untouched. My preservation — I do n't like the word escape — • 
was miraculous.' .... 

" Nicholson dangerously hit ; ten out of seventeen engineer 
officers killed and wounded. 

" ' . . . You may count our real officers on your 
fingers now.' 

" Sept. \^th. — -I grieve much for poor Jacob ; we bui-ied him 
and three sergeants of the regiment last night ; he was a noble 
soldier. His death has made me captain, the long wished-for 
goal ; but I would rather have served on as a subaltern, than 
gained promotion thus. 

" Sept. \%th. — We are making slow progress in the city. 
The fact is, the troops are utterly demoralized by hai-d work 
and hard drink, I grieve to say. For the first time in my life, 
I have had to see English soldiers refuse repeatedly to follow 
their officers. Greville, Jacob, Nicholson, and Speke were all 
sacrificed to this. 

" Sept. 22c?. — In the Royal Palace, Delhi. I was quite unable 
to write yesterday, having had a hard day's work. 1 was 
fortunate enough to capture the King and his favorite wife. 
To-day, more fortunate still, I have seized and destroyed the 
King's two sons and a grandson — the famous, or rather in- 
famous Abu Bukt — the villains who ordered the massacre of 

our women and children, and stood by and witnessed the foul 

4 



42 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

barbarity ; tbeir bodies are now lying on tbe spot where those 
of the unfortunate ladies were exposed. I am very tired, but 
very much satisfied with my day's work, and so seem all 
hands." 

This is Hodson's account of the two most remarkable ex- 
ploits in even his career. As to defending the shooting of the 
two princes, let those do it who feel that a defense is needed, 
for we believe that no man worth convincing now doubts as to 
the righteousness and policy of the act. 

" Strange," he says, " that some of those who are loudest 
against me for sparing the King, are also crying out at my de- 
stroying his sons. * Quousque tandem?' I may well exclaim. 
But in point of fact, I am quite indifferent to clamor either 
way. I made up my mind at the time to be abused. I was 
convinced I was right, and M^hen I prepared to run the great 
physical risk of the attempt, I was equally game for the moral 
risk of praise or blame. These have not been, and are not 
times when a man who would serve his country dare hesitate as 
to the personal consequences to himself of what he thinks his 
duty." 

"By Jove, Ho.dson, they ought to make you Commander-in- 
chief for this," shouts the enthusiast to whom the prisoners 
were handed over. " Well, I 'm glad you have got him, but I 
never expected to see either him or you again," says the Com- 
mander-in-chief, and sits down and writes the following 
dispatch : 

"The King, who accompanied the troops for some short dis- 
tance last night, gave himself up to a party of Irregular Cavalry 
whom I sent out in the direction of the fugitives, and he is now 
a prisoner under a guard of European soldiers." 

Delhi is ours ; but at what a cost in officers and men ! and 
Nicholson is deal. 

" With the single exception of my ever-revered friend. Sir 
Henry Lawrence, and Colonel Mackeson, I have never met his 



CAPTAIN HODSON. 43 

equal in field or council ; he was pre-eminently our best and 
bravest, and his loss is not to be atoned for in these days. 

" The troops have behaved with singular moderation toward 
women and children, considering their provocation. I do not 
believe, and I have some means of knowing, that a single 
woman or child has been purposely injured by our troops, and 
the story on which your righteous indignation is grounded is 
quite false ; the troops have been demoralized by drink, but 
nothing more." 

In November he gets a few weeks' leave, and is off to Umbala 
to meet his wife for the last time, safe after all, and no longer a 
Lieutenant under a cloud. What a meeting must that have been ! 

With the taking of Delhi our narrative, already too long, 
must close, though a grand five months of heroic action still 
remained'. Nothing in the book exceeds in interest the ride of 
ninety-four miles from Seaton's column, with young Macdowell, 
to carry a dispatch to Sir Colin, on December 30th. The tale 
of the early morning summons, the rumors of enemies on the 
road, the suspense as to the Chief's whereabouts, the leaving all 
escort behind, their flattering and cordial reception by Sir 
Colin — who gets them " chops and ale in a quiet friendly 
way " — the fifty-four miles' ride home, the midnight alarm and 
escape, and the safe run in, take away our breath. And the 
finish is inimitable. 

"All Hodson said," writes Macdowell, "when we were at 
Bewar, and safe, was, * By George ! Mac, I 'd give a good deal 
for a cup of tea,' and immediately went to sleep. He is the 
coolest hand I have ever yet met. We rode ninety-four miles. 
Hodson rode seventy-two on one horse, the little dun, and I 
rode Alma seventy-two miles also." 

One more anecdote, however, we can not resist. On the 6th 
of January, 1858, Seaton's column joins the Commander-in- 
chief; on the 27th, at Shumshabad, poor young Macdowell — 
whose letters make one love him — is killed, and Hodson badly 



44 HEROES OP THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

wounded. They were in advance, as usual, with gnns, and had 
to charge a superior hody of cavalry : 

" But there was nothing for it but fighting, as, had we not 
attacked them, they would have got in among our guns. We 
were only three officers, and about one hundred and eighty 
horsemen — my poor friend and second in command, Macdowell, 
having received a mortal wound a few minutes before we 
charged. It was a terrible melee for some time, and we were 
most wonderfully preserved. However, we gave them a very 
proper thrashing, and killed their leaders. Two out of the 
three of us were wounded, and five of my men killed and 
eleven wounded, besides eleven horses. My horse had three 
saber-cuts, and I got two, which I consider rather an unfair 
share. The Commander-in-chief is very well satisfied, I hear, 
with the day's work, and is profusely civil and kind tame." 

In another letter he writes : 

"They were very superior in number, and individually so as 
horsemen and swordsmen, but we managed to ' whop ' them 
all the same, and drive them clean off the field ; not, however, 
till they had made two very pretty dashes at us, which cost us 
some trouble and very hard fighting. It was the hardest thing 
of the kind in which I ever was engaged in point of regular ' in 
fighting,' as they say in the P. R. : only Bell's Life could de- 
scribe it properly. I got a cut, which laid my thumb open, 
from a fellow after my sword was through him, and about half 
an hour later this caused me to get a second severe cut, which 
divided the muscles of the right arm and put me liors de combat ; 
for my grip on the sword-handle was weakened, and a demon on 
foot succeeded in striking down my guard, or rather his tulwar 
glanced off my guard on to my arm. My horse also got three 
cuts. I have got well most rapidly, despite an attack of ery- 
sipelas, which looked very nasty for three days, and some slight 
fever ; and I have every reason to be thankful." 

He is able, notwithstanding wounds, to accompany the 



CAPTAIN HODSON. 45 

forces, Colonel Burn kindly driving liim in his dog-cart. 
Nothing could exceed Sir Colin's kind attentions. Here is a 
chief at last who can appreciate a certain Captain, late Lieu- 
tenant under a cloud. The old chief drinks his health as 
colonel, and, on Hodson's doubting, says : 

" / will see that it is all arranged ; just make a memorandum 
of your services during the Punjab war, and I venture to 
prophesy that it will not be long before I shake hands with 
you as Lieutenant-Colonel Hodson, C. B., with a Victoria Cross 
to boot." 

By the end of February lie is well, and in command of his 
regiment again, and in his last fight saves the life of his Ad- 
jutant, Lieutenant Gough, by cutting down a rebel trooper in 
the very act of spearing him. 

And now comes the end. For a week the siege had gone on, 
and work after work of the enemy had fallen. On the 11th of 
March the Begum's Palace was to be assaulted. Hodson had 
orders to move his regiment nearer to the walls, and while 
choosing a spot for his camp heard firing, rode on, and found 
his friend Brigadier Napier directing the assault. He joined 
him, saying, " I am come to take care of you ; you have no 
business to go to work without me to look after you." They 
entered the breach together, were separated in the melee, and in 
a few minutes Hodson was shot through the chest. The next 
morning the wound was declared to be mortal, and he sent for 
Napier to give his last instructions. 

" He lay on his bed of mortal agony," says this friend, " and 
met death with the same calm composure which so much distin- 
guished him on the field of battle. He was quite conscious and 
peaceful, occasionally uttering a sentence, 'My poor wife,' 'My 
poor sisters, I should have liked to have seen the end of the 
campaign and gone home to the dear ones once more, but it was 
so ordered.' ' It is hard to leave the world just now, when 
success is so near, but God's will be done.' ' Bear witness for 



46 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

me tliat I have tried to do my duty to man. May God forgive 
my sins for Christ's sake !' * I go to my Father.' ' My love to 
my wife — tell her my last thoughts were of her.' ' Lord, re- 
ceive my soul.' These were his last words, and without a sigh 
or struggle his pure and noble spirit took its flight." 

" It was so ordered." They were his own words ; and now 
that the first anguish of his loss is over, will not even those 
nearest and dearest to him acknowledge " it was ordered for 
the best?" For is there not something painful to us in calcu- 
lating the petty rewards which we can bestow upon a man who 
has done any work of deliverance for his country ? Do we not 
almost dread — eagerly as we may desire his return — to hear 
the vulgar, formal phrases which are all we can devise to com- 
memorate the toils and sufferings that we think of with most 
gratitude and affection ? There is somewhat calming and 
Boothing in the sadness which follows a brave man to his grave 
in the very place where his work was done, just when it was 
done. Alas, but it is a bitter lesson to learn, even to us his old 
school-fellows, who have never seen him since we parted at his 
" leaving breakfast." May God make us all braver and truer 
workers at our own small tasks, and worthy to join him, the 
hard fighter, the glorious Christian soldier and Englishman, 
when our time shall come ! 

On the next day, March 13th, he was carried to a soldier's 
grave, in the presence of the headquarters' staff, and of Sir 
Colin, his last chief, who writes thus to his widow : 

" I followed your noble husband to the grave myself, in order 
to mark, in the most public manner, my regret and esteem for 
the most brilliant soldier under my command, and one whom I 
was proud to call my friend." 

Who can add one iota to such praise from such lips ? The 
man of whom the greatest of English soldiers could thus speak 
needs no mark of official approbation, though it is a burning 
disgrace to the authorities that none such has been given. But 



CAPTAIN HODSON, 47 

tte family wMct mourns its noblest son may be content with 
the rewards which his gallant life and glorious death have won 
for him and them — we believe that he himself would desire no 
others. For his brothers-in-arms are erecting a monument to 
him in Litchfield Cathedral ; his school-fellows are putting up a 
window to him, and the other Rugbaeaus who have fallen with 
him, in Rugby Chapel ; and the three regiments of Hodson's 
Horse will hand down his name on the scene of his work and 
of his death as long as Englishmen bear rule in India. And 
long after that rule has ceased, while England can honor brave 
deeds and be grateful to brave men, the heroes of the Indian 
mutiny will never be forgotten, and the hearts of our children's 
children will leap up at the names of Lawrence, Havelock, and 
Hodson. 



48 HEROES OP THE INDIAN REBELLION. 



HAVELOCK. 

Henry Havelock's father and grandfather appear to have been 
successful ship-owners at Sunderland, England. His father, 
having retired from business, purchased Ingress Park, near 
Greenhithe, in Kent. Henry, however, the second of his four 
sons, was born at Bishopwearmouth, near Sunderland, on the 5th 
of April, 1795. His mother was the daughter of Mr. John Carter, 
of Yarmouth, who was connected with the Ettrick family. Of 
hia early boyhood two anecdotes are told, which, if true, singu- 
larly foreshadow his character as a man. When only seven or 
eight years of age, he climbed a lofty tree after a bird's nest ; 
but, just as he grasped his prize, the branch broke, and he fell 
to the ground. For a moment he was stunned, but when he 
had recovered from the shock, his father asked him if he was 
not frightened when he felt the bough give way. *'No," said 
he, "I had no time to be frightened ; I was too much taken up 
with thinking of the eggs, for I was sure they would be all 
smashed." At another time, when he was some five years 
older, he saw a strange dog worrying his father's sheep. In- 
stead of shouting or pelting stones at the animal, he ran off to 
a hay-stack in the field, and made a strong band of hay, which 
he threw round the brute's neck, and tightened till he was dead, 
when he threw the carcass into a pond, and walked as quietly 
away as if nothing had happened. 

His early education was conducted at the Charter-house School, 
at that time under the supervision of Dr. Russell. Among his 
school-fellows were several whose names have since become fa- 
mous, such as Connop Thirlwall, the present Bishop of St. 



HAVELOCK. 49 

David's ; the late Sir William M'Naghten ; Archdeacon Hare ; 
Dr. Waddington, dean of Durham ; Mr. George Grote, the his- 
torian ; Sir Charles Eastlake ; and Lord Panmure. It is said 
that, owing to his quiet, thoughtful demeanor, his playfellows 
were in the habit of calling him "the philosopher," which they 
abbreviated into "Plilos," and, more familiarly, into "old 
Phlos." Of his progress in scholarship no mention is made; 
but in illustration of his tenacity of purpose, even in his boy- 
hood, it is reported that one day he received a black eye in 
defense of a junior. On being questioned by Dr. Russell as to 
the cause of it, he would give no other answer than that "it 
came there," and submitted to be flogged rather than expose his 
assailant to punishment. Before his school education was com- 
pleted, he was withdrawn from the Charter-house, in conse- 
quence of his father's misfortunes. Ingress Park was sold to 
the Government, and young Havelock was entered as a student 
of the Inner Temple. Here he attended the lectures of the cel- 
ebrated Chitty, and formed an intimate friendship with Tal- 
fourd, the future dramatist and judge. The study of the law. 
however, had no attractions for him. He longed for a life of 
adventure and action, and his wish was at length gratified. His 
elder brother, William — who had greatly distinguished himself 
in the Peninsula, and was afterward slain at the head of the 14th 
Dragoons, in the brilliant charge at Ramnuggur — succeeded in 
obtaining for him a second lieutenancy in the Rifle brigade. 
Unfortunately, the battle of Waterloo had been fought a few 
weeks previously ; and thus, for eight years, Lieutenant Have- 
lock was forced to content himself with the monotonous routine 
of regimental duties wherever he might chance to be quartered. 
At length, in 1823, he availed himself of an opj)ortunity of 
seeing some active service, by exchanging into the 13th Light 
Infantry, then under orders for India. 

In the following year the first war with Burmah broke out. 

In the ensuing campaigns Havelock served on the general staff, 

5 



50 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

as deputy Assistant Adjutant-General, and commanded the es- 
teem and friendship of Colonel — afterward Sir Willoogliby — 
Cotton. He was present at several encounters with the enemy, 
and made himself remarkable for his imperturbable coolness 
and self-possession. He personally assisted in driving the Bur- 
mese from their intrenchments at Patanagoa, in January, 1826, 
and a few days afterward in the attack on their redoubts under 
the walls of Pagham Mew. For these services he was permit- 
ted to accompany Captain Lumsden and Dr. Knox on a mis- 
sion to Ava, and was one of the select few honored with an 
audience by " The Golden Foot," when the treaty of Yandaboo 
was concluded and signed. On the conclusion of peace. Lieu- 
tenant Havelock was appointed by Lord Combermere to the 
post of Adjutant to the military depot at Chinsurah. Soon 
after the breaking up of that establishment, he repaired to Cal- 
cutta, and having passed a creditable examination in the native 
languages, received from Lord Bentinck the Adjutancy of his 
regiment, at that time commanded by Colonel — afterward Sir 
Robert — Sale. It was not, however, till 1838, after having 
served twenty-three years as subaltern, that he obtained the com- 
mand of a company. In this capacity he exhibited himself as 
a strict disciplinarian, and a "God-fearing" captain. Indeed, 
so thoroughly consistent was his conduct, that he became very 
unpopular in certain quarters. Being altogether in earnest, 
both as to faith and good works, he was naturally anxious that 
the men under his command should be imbued with the same 
high principles. He was not, however, a large or liberal- 
minded man. On the contrary, he was a sectarian, of the 
Baptist persuasion ; and this circumstance rendered his religious 
views peculiarly obnoxious to those whose belief and practice 
were equally loose and ambiguous. Complaints were, therefore, 
sent in to headquarters, representing Captain Havelock as a 
fanatic, who went about preaching and baptizing. The regi- 
mental rolls were called for and examined, when it appeared 



HAVELOCK. 51 

that the "higot's" company was the best conducted and in 
every way most ready to take the field. " Present my compli- 
ments to Captain Havelock," said the gallant chief, "and tell 
him that I wish he would make Baptists of the whole army." 
Lord Gough bore similar testimony to his soldierly qualities, 
and to the happy influence of religion on the private men. On 
some pressing emergency he was heard to exclaim, "Call out 
the saints ; Havelock never blunders, and his men are never 
drunk." Havelock himself was not only temperate, but abste- 
mious. As a rule, he confined himself to water. At the com- 
mencement of the Afghan war, he occasionally took a little 
wine, in compliance with the remonstrances of his friends ; but 
being visited with a slight attack of fever, he at once attributed 
it to this deviation from his ordinary practice, and immerliately 
returned to his old system. " Water-drinking," he emphat- 
ically observed, "is the best regimen for a soldier." 

On the breaking out of the Afghan war, Colonel Sale was 
appointed to the command of a brigade, and called upon to 
recommend an officer for the post of brigade-major. He ac- 
cordingly sent in the name of Captain Havelock ; but a senior 
officer in the corps, who had superior interest, was preferred by 
Sir Henry Fane. However, the opportune arrival of his former 
patron and steady friend. Sir Willoughby Cotton, to take the 
command of a division, amply recompensed him for this disap- 
pointment. Sir Willoughby lost no time in applying for a 
second aiddecamp, and in the mean time made choice of Have- 
lock as postmaster to the division. During the invasion of 
Afghanistan, Captain Havelock served with great distinction, 
and was present on the staff at the storming of Ghuznee in 
1839. On the withdrawal of a portion of the British army, he 
accompanied Sir Willoughby Cotton to Peshawur, whence he 
forwarded to his brother-in-law, Mr. Marshman, at Serampore — 
an old Danish settlement near Calcutta — ^his manuscript narra- 
tive of the preceding campaign. This book was subsequently 



52 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

published in England, and is often. quoted by writers on that 
period of Indian history. Mr. Kaye pointedly refers to it on 
several occasions. This was not, however, his first literary 
production. On the conclusion of the Burmese war, he wrote 
an account of the "Three Campaigns," which, notwithstanding 
its accuracy and the boldness of its criticisms, is little known 
beyond the small circle of the Anglo-Indian public. He thus 
alludes to it with mingled modesty and bitterness of spirit, in 
the preface to his second work : " My former effort as an 
author had not met with that species of reward which is com- 
monly looked for at the present day. No enterprising pub- 
lisher had taken under his auspices my * Memoir of the Three 
Campaigns.' It had been printed in a distant land, and thus 
placed bqyond the reach of the praise or blame of the critics ; 
and in consequence of the short memories of a large proportion 
of my subscribers, the proceeds of the publication had scarcely 
defrayed the cost of giving it to a limited number of readers. 
Yet a counterpoise to these mortifications was not wanting. A 
few officers of rank, whose discernment and candor I could not 
doubt even in my own cause, had characterized the perform- 
ance as honest and faithful ; three commanders-in-chief in. 
India had spoken favorably of it to others as well as to myself; 
and I have been deceived if, when war was likely to be renewed 
in the Burman empire, and information regarding it had again 
become valuable, a fourth general, placed in the same situation 
of responsible control above adverted to, did not find, or pro- 
fess to find, in the pages of the neglected Lieutenant develop- 
ments of fact and reasoning which he had in vain sought in 
books on the same topic that had enjoyed the sunshine of a far 
more brilliant popularity." 

On the return of Sii* Willoughby Cotton to assume the 
command of the army in Afghanistan, he was accompanied to 
Cabul by his aiddecamp, Captain Havelock, who was sub- 
sequently placed on the staff of his successor. General Elphin- 



HAVELOCK. 



53 



stone, as Persian interpreter. However, he marclied witli Ms 
own regiment to Jellalabad, and participated in the dangers 
and glories of the " illustrions garrison." In the attack of 
the 5th of April, 1842, on Akhbar's camp, Havelock com- 
manded the column on the right, and commenced the battle by 
a furious onslaught on the enemy's left wing. He was also 
the writer of the Jellalabad dispatches, which were so much 
admired by Sir Greorge Murray. Sir Robert Sale fully appre- 
ciated his services, and appended the following postscript to 
a letter addressed to General Pollock, on the 19th of February : 

"P. S. Understanding from the third paragraph of the letter 
from the adjutant-general, that the authority of Major-General 
Elphinstone has ceased, I ventm-e to mention to you that 
Captain Havelock, 13th Light Infantry, was appointed, in gen- 
eral orders, Persian interpreter to the Major-General so long as 
he continued to command in Afghanistan. He was, by his 
permission, however, attached to me from the period of my 
force leaving Cabul, and I have received from him very val- 
uable assistance in every way throughout our operations, as I 
have already intimated in public dispatches. I trust you will 
pardon my undertaking to say that, if you would be pleased to 
reappoint him to the same situation xxnder yourself, I feel per- 
suaded that his local experience would render him most useful 
to you. In the mean time I have nominated him Persian in- 
terpreter to myself, subject to confirmation, as I can not, under 
present circumstances, dispense with his services. Be good 
enough to make this known also to H. E., the Commander- 
in-chief." 

In acknowledgment of these services he obtained his brevet 
majority, and was made a Companion of the Bath. After a 
brief period of no inglorious repose, he took part in the 
Gwalior campaign, and was present at the battle of Maharaj- 
pore. In 1845 he accompanied Sir Henry Hardinge and Lord 
Gough to the Sutlej, with the brevet rank of Lieutenant-Colonel, 



54 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

and tore himself conspicuously in the fearful fights of 
Moodkee, Ferozesliuhur, and Sobraon. Two horses were shot 
under him at Moodkee, and one at Sobraon ; but it was pre- 
eminently at Ferozeshuhur that his calm, resolute bearing 
attracted the admiration of all. During the terrific cannonade 
on " the night of horrors," Sir Henry Hardinge found him 
stretched on the ground fast asleep, with his head resting on a 
hag of gunpowder. Being awakened and chided for such 
seeming fool-hardiness, he merely remarked, "I was so tired." 
At the termination of the first Sikh war, he was appointed 
deputy Adjutant-General of the Queen's troops at Bombay. 

In 1848 Havelock got a two years' furlough, and came to 
England. 

On the 6th of March, 1850, he was presented, at a levee at 
St. James's, by the Duke of Wellington ; and next day dined 
at Lord Hardinge's. On the 20th he was present at a dinner 
given by the United Service Club to Lord Gough. On the 23d, 
when the East India Company feted his Lordship, he was 
among the guests, recognizing old comrades, and thoroughly 
enjoying this relaxation from military toil. 

A painful duty awaited him on the 25th of March. The 
widow and family of his brother William, who had been killed 
at Ramnugghur, were expected at Southampton. It was felt 
by him to be incumbent on him to be there to receive them on 
the arrival of the vessel. Accordingly he went down, and 
showed how able he was to bear the burdens of the depressed, 
and how ready he was to weep with them that weep. Well 
did he prove himself a brother to be trusted, and an uncle to 
be loved. 

This duty fulfilled, he returned to Plymouth, and remained in 
the west of England till June ; gradually recovering strength, 
and finding, day after day, opportunities for doing and getting 
good. Never, perhaps, was he happier than at this time. 
Circumstances around him were propitious, and companion- 



HAVELOCK. 55 

ships were congenial. In general society he was cordially 
welcomed, and by his Christian brethren he was increasingly 
esteemed. His family, too, was with him, and that always 
made his cup to run over. 

About the middle of June he commenced a series of visits 
to several of his old friends and school- fellows — men of emi- 
nence and rank. To him this renewal of intercourse was 
pleasant in the extreme ; and he always referred to it after- 
ward as having been the occasion of great thankfulness to 
God. Opinions were canvassed ; differences of judgment were 
avowed and discussed. Substantial unity was ascertained in 
regard to the fundamentals of the Christian faith, and, in the 
assurance that the children of God would be all brought right 
at last, the old friends mutually rejoiced. 

The intervening years since they parted had wrought upon 
the accomplished jurist, and the sound-hearted theologian, and 
the devout soldier, more or less of change in theologic creed 
and ecclesiastical practice, but no difference could they discover 
in that which constituted them men of God. Not a whit more 
conscientious was any one of them than were all the rest, and 
though they were by no means of the same mind about many 
matters of grave importance touching things to be believed and 
things to be done in the name of Christ their common Lord, 
yet they respected each other's consciences ; resolving, not with 
any kind of formality at all, but at the dictate of a fraternal 
evangelical instinct, to walk by the same rule and to mind the 
same thing up to the last point to which together they had 
attained. 

It had been recommended to Colonel Havelock that he 
should take advantage of the medicinal waters of Germany 
during his stay in Europe. Having paid his visits to his early 
friends, he set out for Ems, as being one of the best places for 
prosecuting the object he had in view. His wife accompanied 
him, and the following letter will show that the journey and 



56 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

the treatment to whicli lie was subjected were advantageous to 
his health : 

" Ems, September 10, 1850. 

. . . " We have had a pleasant and interesting journey 
to this place. At Dover we were detained by the very tempest- 
uous state of the weather, and so we visited the barracks and 
parade in which I learned a part of my military exercises in 
1816. Then came a good night's tossing on the ocean. The 
rail carried us to Brussels, and the next day was devoted to 
Waterloo. Then a quiet Sabbath, Monday carried us to 
Cologne, and next day we reached by steamer Coblentz and 
Ehrenbreitstein. We have resided here nearly three weeks, and 
are all well pleased with the spot. At Coblentz I took counsel 
of Dr. Soest, recommended to me by Sir W. Cotton, in 1847> 
I can hardly describe to you how much I have already 
benefited, by God's help, from these potations and immersions. 

. I am to devour grapes at the rate of eight pounds per 
diem, and then it is hoped I may be fit for something. We 
shall see. Love to all." 

What with the grapes and the hydropathy together he rallied 
yet more sensibly, and became comparatively a vigorous, 
healthy man. 

It was now nearly time to decide as to the course for the 
future. Anxious were the deliberations and eai-neat the prayers 
that God would direct them for the best. It was very soon de- 
cided that their daughters and little boy should be educated in 
Europe. With the knowledge that they had of India and of 
Indian society, they had resolved that those so dear to them 
should not receive their instruction or their introduction there. 
The desire to train up their children in the way they should go 
was paramount. To see them fearing God from their youth 
was the daily parental prayer. Intellectual discipline was a 
great object to be secured, with attainments and accomplish- 



HAVELOCK. 57 

ments befitting their condition ; but moral and religious influ- 
ences were desiderated at the same time, with a view to their 
personal dedication to the service of the Lord Christ. But 
there was a difficulty. There seemed to be no alternative but 
for the father to remain in India. No secret did he make of it 
that he could not relinquish his position there and return to live 
with his family, either in this coimtry or on the continent. 
Not so fortunate had he been as some others in obtaining pat- 
ronage and its emoluments. Three-and-twenty years as a 
subaltern had not tended to make him a wealthy man. Pro- 
vision for his wife and children, beyond the time being, had 
been altogether beyond his power. The course for himself he 
felt to be inevitable. To India he must return, leaving his 
children behind him. 

The course, however, was by no means clear for Mrs. Have- 
lock. To accompany her husband was her first impulse, and 
upon doing this she was fully bent. He demurred on account 
of the children. They must not be committed wholly to the 
care of strangers. What could be substituted for a mother's 
watchfulness and care ? Who could do for the opening minds 
and the trusting hearts of their loved ones what she could do ? 
So far as the father was concerned his mind was made up. He 
would go out alone. As best he could he would bear the pain 
of separation. It was not what he should sacrifice, it was what 
his little ones would gain. Had the attachments between them 
all been less affectionate or less active, it would have been a far 
easier task to determine what should be done. But they were 
so much members one of another, they were so knit together, 
and they were so mutually and tenderly endeared, that they 
were bitterly loth to part. Never, indeed, has the household tie 
been more sensibly or more obviously a fondly-cherished and 
indissoluble one, than in their case. By comparative strangers 
it was noticed almost immediately, and by those who knew 
them intimately it was more and more admired. On which 



58 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

side the affectionate preponderated it would have been impossible 
to pronounce. 

Hence, to leave the children was a great trial, but to let the 
husband go out alone to India was a trial quite as great. The 
struggle was a sharp one, but in the end it was fixed that the 
children should have the benefit of their mother's guardianship, 
and that the father should return by himself. The time, how- 
ever, would come when they should meet again. The education 
being obtained, mother and daughters would proceed to India, 
and altogether they would re-enjoy the domestic intercourse 
which was thus sorrowfully interrupted. 

The decision once come to, with his usual promptitude Have- 
lock arranged for carrying it into effect. It seemed to him that 
Bonn would be a suitable place on all accounts for the location 
of his family. Educationally and religiously it Avould supply 
the opportunities and appliances which were requisite, while it 
would be a residence of great pleasantness and healthiness for 
those whom he must leave behind. Accordingly he took a 
house at Bonn, which overlooked the Rhine, and there for six 
months he remained with his family, enjoying the neighborhood 
and society greatly, and improving every day. Most assidu- 
ously and thoughtfully did he provide for the future comfort of 
its beloved inmates, so ordering every thing about the dwelling 
that they have ever since been reminded of his fond solicitude 
for them in the prospect of his being far away. A pleasanter 
six months than that was never spent. The remembrance of 
it has been always grateful. It will be precious now for 
evermore. 

During the month of Septemoer, 1851, Havelock came to 
England to take leave of friends. He was in good health and 
most cheerful spirits, thankful for the blessings he had obtained 
by his relaxation, and assured that God would be his portion to 
the end. 

Again he visited the house of mourning, and proved himself 



HAVELOCK. 59 

a bearer of the burdens of those who were in sorrow. *' I 
would say," he remarked one day, "flee in your troubles to 
Jesus Christ, The experience of upward of thirty years ena- 
bles me to say, No man ever had so kind a friend as he, or so 
good a master. View him not at a distance, but as a prop, a 
stay, and a comforter, ever at hand, and he will recpite your 
confidence by blessings illimitable." 

A short time was spent in London and the neighborhood, on 
his way from the west of England to Germany ; and it was 
several times observed that he took his leave both of elder and 
more recent associates with a tone of unfaltering confidence in 
the providence and grace of God. 

This may be gathered from a communication to a friend, 
whom he was unable to visit for the purpose of saying fare- 
well : 

. . . " Kent, 8th October, 1851. 

"My Dear , — I write to bid you farewell, and to 

thank you very sincerely for all your very great kindness to 
me and my family since I came to London, after nearly thirty 
years' absence, in November, 1849. On the 10th November I 
expect to be on board the steamer which is to carry me from 
Trieste to Alexandria, and on the 5th December I hope to land 
at the Apollo Bimder, Bombay. But all this is in God's hand. 
I have had in this land countless mercies to praise him for ; 
and though I leave it, not through desire to abandon it, but 
only from the conviction that the road to India is my path of 
duty, that very consideration emboldens me to hope for his 
protection and guidance by the way and during my sojourn, 
whether it may prove long or short." 

Havelock returned, and staid at Bonn till the 27th of 
October, when it was his duty to set out for India. The morn- 
ing arose upon him sadly. There were his loved ones as wake- 
ful as himself at eai-ly dawn. Each felt what none could utter. 



60 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

Separation was now come — a sensible reality. Pleasant read- 
ings together were terminated. No more excursions would be 
planned and executed. Going to the house of God in com- 
pany was passed. That refreshing and delightful family-worship 
was all over ; at least, one more exercise, and the husband, the 
father, the master, would not be there officiating as the patri- 
arch and the priest unto God. Even at the best of their 
choicest expectations, they should not kneel down together 
again for many, many years. 

They kneeled down then. Tremulous were the patriarch's 
tones ; full, quite full, the heart of the priest of the weeping 
household, as he was making intercession for his wife and for 
their daughters and little son. 

Who could tell the impending vicissitudes ? Who could 
forecast the incidents of their separation ? Who could pre- 
arrange for the emergencies in India, and for the possible and 
even probable necessities on the Rhine ? He apjDrehended the 
uncertainty, but he staggered not at the promise of God 
through unbelief. Would not God watch between them while 
they were absent one from another ? Were not Asia and 
Europe alike under the perpetual observation of their heavenly 
Father? Might they not at any moment regard it as the pres- 
ent fact that before they called the Lord would answer, and 
that while they were yet speaking he would hear ? Had they 
not often said and sung together that removal from the Divine 
presence was impossible ; that alienation from the love of God 
was inconceivable ; that neglect of united and believing prayer 
offered at the throne of grace was as incredible as 1?hat the Holy 
One should lie ? 

That hour passed ; the steamer arrived ; the embarkation 
took place ; the adieu, the last adieu of all, was stammered out ; 
faces and forms vanished slowly in the distance, and Havelock 
was on his way to India — alone. 

He was appointed Adjutant-General of the forces in India, 



HAVELOCK. 61 

and in the war against Persia commanded the second division 
under General Outram. He led the land forces in the attack 
on Mohamraerah. 

The place was taken with very insignificant loss on the part 
of the British, notwithstanding the strength of the fortifications 
and the numerous heavy guns placed in position. Further 
operations were then checked by the intelligence that peace had 
heen concluded between the belligerent powers, and the British 
troops were thus enabled to return to India, where their presence 
was indispensably required. On the 15th May, 1857, Brigadier- 
General Havelock, C. B., accordingly embarked with his staff on 
the steamer Berenice, and, after touching at Muscat, reached 
Bombay on the 29th. The revolt of several regiments of the 
Bengal army, and the loss of Delhi, struck the General and his 
gallant comrades with astonishment and horror. No time, 
however, was lost in idle wonderment. On the 1st June 
Havelock was once more at sea, on board the Peninsular and 
Oriental Company's steamer Erin, bound for Ceylon, whence 
he proposed to proceed to Calcutta by the Bengal. The early 
part of the voyage was made without accident, and in the after- 
noon of the 5th it was announced that Point de Galle would be 
attained on the following morning. This pleasing anticipation, 
however, was not destined to be realized. 

During the evening the weather changed for the worse, the 
wind freshened, and the rain came down heavily. At two 
o'clock in the morning the ship suddenly struck against a reef 
with a tremendous shock, while a violent squall swept over her 
and brought on a pitchy darkness. "After the first shock," 
says Captain Hunt, "the ship had glided into deep water again, 
and all were expecting her to go down by the head, as the fore- 
part of the vessel had at once filled, when she struck again an I 
again, and finally gave one long surge, which fixed two -thirds 
of her length firmly upon the reef. 

" This brought her up with a shock which made the whole 



62 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

frame shiver, and nearly jerked the masts out. The force of 
this may be imagined, as the speed at the time of its occurring 
was more than eleven knots the hour. . . , To move about 
the decks became almost impossible, as every surge rolling in 
lifted the ship bodily, and, receding, dashed her with violence 
against the bottom. It therefore became necessary to hang on 
to the sides or rigging for life ; and heavy rain commencing 
again to fall made the long hours till daylight wearisome and 
trying in the extreme. 

" No persuasions could induce the Lascar crew to go aloft to 
remove the heavier sails or send the upper masts and yards 
down, and, by lightening the top weight, lessen the severity of 
the constant shocks. Huddled in groups wherever they could 
find shelter, they were almost useless throughout the night. 
Guns were fired, and blue lights burned, immediately it was 
ascertained that the accident was without remedy. These soon 
gave the alarm, and brought the district judge and a crowd of 
fishermen and others to the beach to assist. One bold fellow 
swam off, though nearly drowned in the breakers, along side the 
ship, and returning when sufficiently recovered, with a line, a 
hawser was got on shore, by which >a communication was estab- 
lished. So soon as it was sufficiently light, canoes came off, 
hauled along the hawser through the surf, and the passengers 
were all landed in two or three trips without accident." 

General Havelock had not yet run the race that was set be- 
fore him. There was still work to be done before he should 
attain the goal for which he had so long been striving. A 
merciful Providence saved him from the waves, to make him a 
chief instrument in the preservation of the British empire in 
India. On the 7th June he resumed his voyage to Calcutta on 
board the Fire-Queen, and was joined at Madras by Lieutenant- 
General Sir Patrick Grant, then on his way to take the provi- 
sional command of the army in the Bengal Presidency. The two 
generals arrived at Calcutta in safety on the 17th June, and 



HAVELOCK. 63 

immediately afterward Havelock set out for the Upper Prov- 
inces. His mission was one peculiarly acceptable to a man 
of his stern, Puritanical cast of mind. He was, almost literally, 
to draw "the sword of the Lord and of Gideon," and to smite 
the Midianites. In other words, he was appointed to the com- 
mand of the movable column destined to act against Nana 
Sahib and his horde of miscreants. 

On the last day of June Havelock arrived at Allahabad to 
assume the command of the relieving army. Colonel Neill, a 
brave soldier, had placed Ord port in a safe condition, and sent 
that day 820 troops under Major Renaud upon Cawnpore. 
On the 7th of July Havelock started on for Cawnpore, his whole 
force-^Renaud's included — not numbering over 1,200 men. 

On the 10th Havelock saw that the position of Renaud's 
column, then in advance, was becoming critical. The fall of 
Cawnpore had freed the mutineers from occupation, and they 
had rapidly pushed down a force to the vicinity of Futtehpore, 
within five miles of which the Major would arrive on the 
morning of the 12th. He would thus be exposed to the attack 
of 3,500 rebels with twelve guns. 

No time was to be lost. Accordingly, on the 10th, Havelock 
marched, under a broiling sun, fifteen miles to Synee ; and, re- 
suming his course at eleven o'clock at night, joined Major 
Renaud on the road by moonlight, and with him marched to 
Khaga, five miles from Futtehpore, where, soon after dawn, he 
took up a position. There were now 1,400 British bayonets 
and eight guns, assisted by a small native force. The General's 
information had been better than that of the enemy, for when 
Lieutenant-Colonel Tytler pushed a reconnoissance up to the 
town they evidently supposed that they had only Major Renaud's 
gallant but small force in their front. After firing on the 
Colonel and his escort, they pushed forward two guns and a 
force of infantry and cavalry, canonnading his front, and threat- 
ening his flanks. 



64 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

His first victory he described in his official report in the fol- 
lowing language : 

" I have to acquaint your Lordship," he wrote to the Gov- 
ernor-General, "that I have this morning attacked and totally 
defeated the insurgents, capturing eleven guns, and scattering 
their forces in utter confusion in the direction of Cawnpore. 
By two harassing marches I joined Major Eenaud's advanced 
column three hours before daylight, encamped about eight 
o'clock four miles from Futtehpore, where, pitching our tents, 
the enemy advanced out of Futtehpore, and opened fire upon a 
reconnoissance under Colonel Tytler. I had a wish to defer the 
fight till to-morrow, but, thus assailed, was compelled to accept 
the challenge. I marched with eight guns in the center under 
Captain Maude, R. A., forming the whole of the infantry in 
quarter-distance column in support. Captain Maude's fire elec- 
trified the enemy, who abandoned gun after gun, and were then 
driven by our skirmishers and column through garden inclosures 
and the streets of Futtehpore in complete confusion. My loss 
is merely nominal ; not a single European touched. My 
column had marched twenty-four miles up to the ground I 
write from ; Major Eenaud's, nineteen miles. The conduct of 
the troops in sustaining the fatigue of so long a march, and 
enduring the heat of a frightful sun, is beyond praise. The 
enemy's strength is said to have been two regiments of cavalry 
and three of infantry, and eleven guns." 

The next few days are very briefly and vividly described in 
the following letter of Havelock's. The "boy H." was his 
own son : 

"Cawnpore, July, 1857. 
" Last week I fought fom- fights. On the 12th I took Futteh- 
pore ; on the 15th I fired the village Aong and the bridge over 
the Pandoo Nuddee ; on the 16th I recaptured this place, de- 
feating the usurper Nana Sahib in a pitched battle, and taking 
all his guns. I lost a hundred men. I never saw so brave a 



HAVELOCK. 65 

youth as the boy H. ; he placed himself opposite the muzzle 
of a gun that was scattering death into the ranks of the 64tb 
Queen's, and led on the regiment, under a shower of grape, to 
its capture. This finished the fight. The grape was deadly, 
but he calm as if telling George stories about India. 
Lawrence had died of his wounds. . . . Mary Thornhill " — 
a niece of the General's — "is in great peril at Lucknow. I 
am marching to relieve it. Trust in God and pray for us. All 
India is up in arms against us, and every-where around me 
things are looking black. Thank God for his especial mercies 
to me. We are campaigning in July. H. H." 

Resting his troops but a day, he marched on Bithoor, 
but the enemy dared not make a stand. General Neill 
here joined him. Leaving him at Cawnpore, Havelock, 
with only 1,500 men, passed rapidly on to the relief of 
Lucknow. 

On the 29th a battle with the enemy at Busserut Sunge, and 
totally defeated them. Cholera now attacked his little band, 
and his numbers were rapidly decreasing. He sent back his 
sick and wounded to Cawnpore, and asked Neill for further 
reinforcements. These had no sooner ai*rived than treachery 
began its work. The General writes : 

" So far as depends on me, I can not afford to have a single 
traitor in my camp. I paraded the detachment, hnd spoke to 
them all, both British and natives. I congratulated the former 
on having come into a camp of heroic soldiers, who had six 
times met the enemy, and every time defeated him and captured 
his cannon. The Lascars at this moment were facing the de- 
tachment ; I turned to them, and told them what miscreants I 
had this morning discovered them to be — traitors in heart to 
their fostering government. I made the British soldiers dis- 
arm them, and ordered them out of the camp under a light 

escort, to be employed under General Neill in the labors of the 

6 



66 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

intrenchment. He will look after them. If they attempt to 
desert, I have ordered them to be punished with death ; the 
same if they refuse to work with the other soldiers. They shall 
do ho other duty till I am better instructed." 

The General anticipated that the enemy would not again 
venture to fight him with a narrow causeway and swamp in his 
rear. He was right. He found them drawn up at the village 
of Boorseake Chowki, nearer to Unao than Busherat. They 
had intrenched the village, which formed, probably, the center 
of their line, and their guns were placed in good positions 
among the gardens of the villagers. Their line is said by some 
accounts to have stretched over five miles ; and their numbers 
have been estimated at 20,000, but the Greneral gives a much 
lower number. 

Havelock saw at a glance that this was not a case for ma- 
neuvering ; and great as the odds were, as the field must be 
won, it could only be by the outputting of sheer British valor. 
" Covered by artillery and skirmishers, our troops advanced in 
echelon of battalions from the right. As they came within range 
the enemy unmasked his batteries and poured in a deadly fire ; 
round shot, shell, canister, grape, and shapnel flew around, 
about, and among our men ; fortunately their guns were 
leveled too high, and the round shot principally went over the 
heads of our advancing array. Still the fire was fearful ; it 
did not, however, for an instant check our men ; on they went 
covered by the guns, till at length these latter had obtained a suf- 
ficiently-advanced position to get a flanking fire on the enemy's 
line. This appeared to paralyze them, and at the same moment 
the Highlanders, who were on the extreme right, making a 
dashing charge, carried the enemy's left battery of two guns. 
This completed their panic ; they at once turned and fled, and 
our guns and their own captured batteries turning on them com- 
pleted their confusion. On the left we had been equally suc- 
cessful. There the enemy's cavalry had attempted to turn 



HAVELOCK. 67 

our flank ; but the Madras Fusileers nobly repulsed tbem : tbey 
fled with the remainder of the line." 

The victory was won, but it cost 140 men out of 1,000 to 
Havelock, and he was not yet ten miles on the road to Luck- 
now. He was now obliged to rest his little band, and await 
reinforcements which, under General Outram, were advancing. 
On the 19th September, with his reinforcements, he crossed 
the Ganges. 

On the 21st — Monday — they advanced a mile before the 
artillery of the foe opened upon them. Major Eyre's battery 
was ordered to the front, and answered the fire. General 
Havelock had, however, no intention of walking his men 
straight up to the batteries which his opponents had taken 
days, or perhaps weeks, to prepare and strengthen. He ordered 
the artillery, protected by the 5th, to throw shot and shell 
among them for a time, till he moved through the swamps a 
strong force on their right. The close practice of the formi- 
dable guns now with him soon began to tell fearfully upon the 
rebels, while the ponderous shells, cast among their numerous 
cavalry with the precision of rifle practice, carried confusion 
into their ranks. The enemy detached a horse battery to at- 
tack Havelock's flank. They were outmaneuvered, however ; 
and long ere it had reached its intended position, Captain 
Maude was seen spurring in hot haste across the field, at the 
head of his horse artillery. Round after round was rapidly 
exchanged, and in less than a quarter of an hour the guns of 
the enemy were silenced. By this time the infantry had 
turned their right, and this completed their defeat. Their guns 
were horsed rapidly, and their positions quickly abandoned. 
Two of their guns were left for our infantry. They did not 
wait to meet the bayonets which were closing fast with them. 
But as they fled they encountered a new foe. Sir James Outram, 
heading the volunteer cavalry, turned their flight into a rout, 
capturing two more guns, and leaving 120 of the enemy 



68 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

sabered on tlie plain. The battle of Mungarwar caused little 
loss to General Havelock's army, but it was attended by seri- 
ous results to bis enemy, who fought no more till they reached 
the Alum Bagh. 

The rebels had made admirable arrangements to receive Gen- 
eral Havelock had he advanced in the direction that they ex- 
pected him to take. He would have had to storm a breastwork 
so formidable that it had to be leveled before his baggage 
wagons and guns could pass. He selected another path, and for 
that departure from the high road the enemy were not prepared. 

The battle over, the march followed — a long and dreary 
march in a deluge. The rain had poured incessantly upon a 
country already turned into a lake, and in many places, as the 
army moved on, the water assumed great depth. Passing Unao, 
the scene of former conflicts, through Bussei'ut Gunge — all 
abandoned by the enemy in their flight — Havelock's force 
marched that day twenty miles in an Indian flood after gaining 
a decisive victory. Toward evening they reached an abandoned 
village, cheerless and dirty, but still capable of affording the 
shelter which all required, and here they passed the night. 

Early in the morning of the 22d the army continued its 
march, the rain still falling heavily. Many of the coolies who 
had been engaged to assist in the conveyance of the baggage 
and the wounded, had deserted during the night, for they 
dreaded the approach to Lucknow. But there was no time to 
wait to supply their loss. Precious lives were being hourly 
sacrificed in that beleaguered station, and to its inmates every 
day was an age. Onward Havelock and his noble army 
pressed, wet and often weary, but sustained by the hope of ef- 
fecting the object of their march. The day's advance was an 
incessant struggle through fields turned into morasses and 
swamps by the ceaseless rain, with heavy guns and lumbering 
wagons, delayed by some accident or some new obstruction at 
almost every turn. 



HAVELOCK. 69 

Aftei" a toilsome inarch of fourteen miles through a lane 
of mud, the force reached another deserted village, and in its 
empty houses they found a shelter for another comfortless night. 
The artillery booming around the Residency of Lucknow were 
now heard ; and a royal salute from their heavy guns was fired, 
in the hope that their friends in danger might hear the report, 
and comprehend its purpose. 

The 23d opened with little change in the dull, leaden sky. 
Noon had passed and they had not yet reached Lucknow, while 
their cavalry, then in advance, had brought them no intelli- 
gence of the enemy. At length, at two o'clock, they were seen 
slowly falling back. This excited aj)prehension, and immedi- 
ately afterward as the force advanced, the rebel army was dis- 
covered in great force, their right drawn up behind a chain of 
hillocks, and their left resting on the in closure of the Alum 
Bagh. Havelock now perceived that he was not to enter Luck- 
now without a severe struggle. A single glance convinced him 
that the flower of the enemy was before him, and that here the 
first passage to the Residency must be fought. He made his 
dispositions with that alacrity and precision which had so often 
been the means of baffling his foes, and, although his troops 
had marched with very little interval for seven hours, no time 
was lost in attempting to clear the road to Lucknow. 

The mutineers had selected their position with the view of 
neutralizing Havelock's habit of turning the lines of his op- 
ponents, of which they had obtained experience in frequent and 
disastrous engagements. The trunk-road passed through deep 
and wide morasses, which, at that season, ran close up to its 
edges, and were altogether impassable. Immediately where the 
morasses ceased, and firmer footing could be obtained, and on 
a rising ground, the rebel army were massed in strong bat- 
talions of infantry, with many guns, and cavalry on the center, 
the left, and the right. The only available means of attack 
was by this road ; and upon it the enemy converged the fire of 



70 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

their artillery. Havelock's guns replied with, some effect ; but 
he instantly saw that his men were too closely grouped. His 
infantry were, therefore, pushed forward rapidly upon his old 
plan ; and, although a hurricane of round shot and shell were 
plowing through their ranks, and thinning their sections, they 
never faltered. At length his left enveloped the enemy's right : 
audi charging through the soft ground, where the men sank 
deep at every step, they drove their foe before them, capturing 
one village after another, and seizing five guns. 

While the enemy's right was thus crushed and driven from 
the field, his center was exposed to the effective artillery fire 
from Havelock's batteries ; and, as the battle now pressed 
upon his left, that wing and the center at length broke up and 
fled. Sir James Outram, at the head of his handful of cavalry, 
bravely pursuing the enemy, regardless of the odds ; till after a 
tedious, but never dubious fight, the battle of the Alum Bagh 
was won. 

THE KELIBF OP LUCKNOW. 

The city of Lucknow, with its narrow, tortuous streets, still 
lay between the beleaguered garrison and the army of relief at 
the Alum Bagh. To penetrate this labyi'inth the nearest way 
would be by the street, of which the Cawnpore road, on which 
the Alum Bagh stands, is a continuation. This would take 
the force direct to the gates of the Residency ; but the Generals 
knew that the enemy had anticipated their advance by that road, 
and had made vigorous preparations to receive them. Deep 
and broad trenches were cut, palisades intersected the streets at 
short intervals, while every other house had been extemporized 
into a garrison and filled with Sepoys. To have taken the 
troops through such a fire would have been madness, and it 
was not entertained. 

The circuitous route by the Dilkoosha, Martiniere, and the 
Sikunder Bagh, was equally impracticable ; for the long rain 



HAVELOCK. 71 

had turned the fields for the most part into a huge morass, 
through which the passage of heavy artillery and ammunition 
wagons, indispensable in such an expedition, would have been 
impossible ; and that route was also abandoned. For similar 
reasons other roads were deemed equally impracticable, and the 
General determined to reach the Eesidency by the way subse- 
quently adopted. 

Early on the morning of the 25th the army was on the move. 
On the previous day they had deposited their tents and baggage 
in the inclosure of the Alum Bagh, and, leaving an escort to 
defend it, they were now ready for the struggle of the day, 
which was to prove the fiercest they had yet encountered. 

For some distance from their encampment the road to the 
town passes through a dense jungle of grass and rank vegeta- 
tion six or seven feet high, here and there intersected, chiefly in 
the background, with clumps of brushwood and trees, while, 
as it nears the canal which surrounds the more populous part 
of the city, there are houses inclosed in gardens which abut 
upon the road. As Sir James Outram marched out upon this 
road at the head of the first brigade, it became evident that the 
enemy had made extensive preparations to receive them. No 
sooner were they seen than guns placed in position raked the 
road with a murderous fire of grape, canister, and round shot, 
plowing up the ground and tearing down trees and every thing 
that came in its way, while the Sepoy sharp-shooters, who filled 
the jungle, galled the troops, as they approached and passed, 
with an incessant fire of musketry. After a brief halt to com- 
plete the arrangements for the advance, the gallant 5th Fusi- 
leers were ordered to charge the guns. In a few minutes this 
arduous service was admirably performed, and for the moment 
the enemy's fire was silenced. It was only for a moment, for 
they had scarcely completed the capture of this outpost when a 
turn of the road brought them within range of another battery, 
admirably placed to command the approach and passage of the 



72 HEROES OF THE INDIAjST REBELLION. 

bridge of the Char Bagh, which crosses the canal and forms 
one of the entrances to the city of Lucknow. The enemy 
here, too, were in great force. The garden inclosures had been 
made temporary fortresses, with loop-holed walls, from which a 
constant fire was maintained upon the advancing force. The 
fire from the heavy guns, which had opened upon them the 
moment they came within range, was also kept up with terrible 
energy. At length the word was given. Then there was a 
shout, a rush, and a brief struggle, and the battery was theirs. 

General Outram here received a wound in his arm, but 
during the whole of this fearful day, though faint from loss 
of blood, nothing could subdue his spirit, and he only dis- 
mounted from his horse at the gate of the Residency. 

During these brilliant affairs the troops had been harassed by 
the incessant fire of musketry from the inclosure of the Char 
Bagh, from the long grass on the left, and from the houses on 
either side of the street at the town end of the bridge ; the rifles 
almost touching the heads of the artillerymen as they worked 
the guns, and galling in the extreme our troops, who could not 
see their foe. As the heavy guns and ammunition wagons, 
drawn by bullocks, had not yet passed the bridge, it became 
necessary to clear the garden inclosure, jungle, and the houses 
in the town commanding the approach. This was speedily 
effected, and the Highlanders were left behind to protect the 
heavy artillery and baggage wagons till they were fairly on 
their way. 

Having crossed the bridge, the force was now on the direct 
road to the Residency, distant somewhat less than two miles ; 
but progress in that direction, for the reasons we have already 
stated, was impossible. The Generals, therefore, left the Cawn- 
pore road, and detoured along a narrow road to the right, 
which skirts the left bank of the canal. Their advance was 
not seriously interrupted till, after a march of some hours, 
they reached the King's Palace or Kaizer Bagh. 



HAVELOCK. 73 

In the mean time Havelock had become aware that the High- 
landers were somewhat in jeopardy at the bridge of the Char 
Bagh, and had dispatched artillery and cavalry to their aid. 
The enemy, enconraged by observing their isolated condition 
when left behind to protect the passage of the bridge, soon 
began to rall}^ from every quarter, occupying the massive 
buildings on either side of the street, and every corner capable 
of giving them shelter. Three heavy guns, placed to enfilade 
the position of the 78th, fired on them with galling accuracy, 
while from every house-top and every corner a storm of bullets 
was poured incessantly on this gallant corps. Till every 
bullock had crossed the bridge they were not to move, but the 
fire from the guns seemed to threaten their annihilation, and at 
length it became insupportable. They determined as a despe- 
rate alternative to charge the guns and spike them. Led on by 
their gallant Adjutant, whose horse had already been shot under 
him, they dashed up the street with a tremendous cheer. They 
were received with a volley, but nothing daunted, they charged 
amidst a furious storm of bullets, and, after a brief struggle, 
they made the guns their own. 

At last the heavy guns and baggage wagons having passed 
the bridge, the 78th gathered up their wounded comrades and 
marched on to join the column then far in advance. But the 
enemy like bees were on their path ; the jungle was in an 
instant filled with musketeers, while hordes of cavalry hung 
upon their rear. The slow movements of the bullocks had 
made their position extremely critical, when, artillery thunder- 
ing down the street, they welcomed the succor so ojaportunely 
sent them by their General. With a loud cheer the guns were 
unlimbered, got round and fired, and in an instant the enemy 
were in retreat. For half a mile they now marched on unmo- 
lested, till, having to penetrate the apparently-deserted streets, 
they had again incessantly to encounter enemies of whom they 
could see nothing save the protruding points of their match- 



74 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

locks. The fire here thinned their ranks at eveiy step, but they 
pressed on till, with a hearty cheer, they joined their companions 
under the walls of the Kaiser Bagh. 

At this point the fire was tremendous. From heavy artillery, 
and from the walls swarming with Sepoys, the enemy poured 
down upon the force an iron deluge of grape, canister, and 
round shot, " under which," wrote Havelock, "nothing could 
live." They had scarcely silenced this position when they 
reached a bridge, upon which the foe had concentrated a mur- 
derous fire. At the further end they had a battery strongly 
intrenched, while from other heavy guns an enfilading fire ren- 
dered the passage all but destruction. At a glance the Gen- 
eral saw the danger — the word was given — the same rush as of 
old, the same loud cheer, and the same result — the batteries 
were taken and silenced. 

It was long past noon when the column reached a place of 
temporary shelter under the walls of the Furred Buksh. The 
troops were sorely exhausted. For six weary hours they had 
struggled in deadly fight with a fierce enemy, and all the while 
under a scorching sun. Faint and worn-out they endeavored 
to snatch a brief respite from this double foe. 

Darkness was now coming on, and they were still some dis- 
tance from the beleaguered garrison, who had all the while 
listened with intense interest to the cannonade at the Kaiser 
Bagh. To both the Generals it was a moment of deep anxiety. 
Many considerations favored the plan of occupying the courts 
of the Mootee Mahul for the night, postponing to the break of 
day the march to the Residency. Their troops were utterly ex- 
hausted with their many hours' fight and with the heat ; they 
had many wounded, the transport of the heavy guns and bag- 
gage wagons would greatly retard the progress of the troops in 
the line of fire they had yet to pass through. On the other 
hand, the enemy might congregate during the night in such 
overwhelming masses, and so completely invest their temporary 



HAVELOCK. 75 

position, that when the morning came they mJght find them- 
selves so hemmed in as to be threatened with extermination. 
Besides the garrison was known to be in great extremity. 
Any hour might seal its ruin. The swarming hordes of Luck- 
noAV, said to be fifty thousand strong, ferocious as tigers about 
to lose their prey, might that night concentrate their fury upon 
the garrison, and, with the relieving army at its doors, the 
massacre of CawnjDore with all its horrors might be repeated. 
"I esteemed it to be of such importance," wrote Havelock, 
'•' to let the beleaguered garrison know that succor was at hand, 
that, with Sir James Outram's ultimate sanction, I directed the 
main body of the 78th Highlanders and regiment of Ferozepore 
to advance." After mvich consideration, for the lives of the 
men were precious to their Generals, they determined to adopt 
both alternatives. Leaving the wounded and the baggage and 
heavy guns with suitable escorts in the Mootee Mahul and other 
sheltered places for the night, they placed themselves at the 
head of the Highlanders and Sikhs, and dashed on for the 
Eesidency. No words can picture that march of fire and 
death ! Broad, deep trenches had been cut across the road, fur- 
nished with every kind of obstruction. Every inch of the way 
was covered point blank by unseen marksmen ; at every turn 
heavy artillery belched forth its fiery storm of grape and can- 
ister. Above, below, every-where, crowds of human tigers glared 
from house-top and loop-holed casement upon the intrepid 
band ; while as they rounded the corner which opened on the 
squares of the Palace, they had to encounter from many thou- 
sand rifles an iron hurricane of destruction and death. 

As the brave 78th were passing through an archway, "which 
literally streamed fire," a bullet struck General Neill on the 
head, and he fell to rise no more. The men, enraged, fired a 
volley against the wall, in the vain hope that some stray bullets 
might enter the loop-holes, and avenge their brave leader's 
death. Eecalled to their duty by Havelock's word, they 



76 HEKOES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION, 

marched on, leaving the dying and the dead behind them at 
every step. It was now dark, but the road was lighted up by 
the incessant flight of shot and shell and the furious play of 
musketry. One obstacle after another was conquered, and the 
way at last was clear. The gate of the Eesidency was before 
them, and with a cheer, Avhich only British soldiers know how 
to give, the vanguard of Havelock's " Column of Relief" en- 
tered in, bringing to the beleaguered garrison safety at least, if 
not deliverance. 

And who shall picture the greetings of that night — the joy 
of those who once more began to hope, or the gratitude they 
felt to that brave heart who for nearly a hundred days had 
struggled through an overwhelming tide of battle, disease, and 
death to rescue them ! 

"Our reception," says one, "was enthusiastic — old men, 
and women, and wan infants pouring down in one weeping 
crowd to welcome their deliverers." While another adds, 
" Many people were nearly mad, and the cheering was 
deafening." 

Since the day that he had been intrusted with the important 
command he was now about to resign to his gallant friend and 
fellow-soldier, General Outram — since the day that he had asked 
his wife to pray that God would enable her husband to " fulfill 
the expectations of Government," sustained in the execution of 
a mission so congenial to every feeling of his chivalrous nature, 
and supported under baffling disappointments by the testimony 
of a good conscience — this Christian hero had steadily kept 
before him the work given him to do ; and now that his 
heavenlj'- Master had permitted him to see it accomplished, his 
gratitude found expression in the words of the Hebrew warrior, 
" Not unto us, Lord, not unto us, but unto thy name give 

GLORY." 

The next three days brought with them arduous duties. The 
wounded, with the heavy train, and a number of the troops 



HAYELOCK. 77 

were still outside the defenses of the Eesidency. Between them 
and these objects of their solicitude the Generals knew the 
enemy would interpose every conceivable obstacle ; and as his 
numbers were counted by tens of thousands, much care was 
needed lest the wounded and their convoys should be over- 
powered. 

A party of two hundred and fifty men were dispatched to 
effect a junction with Colonel Campbell, then with the wounded 
and the heavy guns in the Mootee Mahul, and to bring in other 
detached parties, who had left with suitable escorts on the route 
of the 25th. ' Subsequently reinforced they were able to effect 
their purpose ; but the difficulties they had to contend against 
were great. 

The wounded and the heavy artillery being now safe within 
the enceinte of the Residency, the Generals had quickly to con- 
sider their own position and that of the garrison they had risked 
so much to relieve. " Our present prospects," wrote General 
Outram, " have now to be considered. It was the urgent desire 
of the Government that the garrison should be relieved, and 
the women and children, amounting to upward of four hundred 
and seventy souls, withdrawn. 

" In considering the heavy loss at which we forced our way 
through the enemy, it was evident that there could be no possible 
hope of carrying off the sick, wounded, and women and chil- 
dren — amounting to not less than fifteen hundred souls, in- 
cluding those of both forces. Want of carriage alone rendered 
the transport through five miles of disputed suburb an im- 
possibility. 

"There remained but two alternatives: one to reinforce the 
Lucknow garrison with three hundred men, and, leaving every 
thing behind, to retire immediately with the remains of the 
infantry upon the Alum Bagh, thereby leaving the garrison in a 
worse state than we found it, by the addition to the numbers 
they had previously to feed, the great amount of our wounded. 



78 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

and tlie three hundred soldiers, who would barely have sufficed 
to afford the additional protection that would have been re- 
quired, without adding such strength as would have enabled 
them to make an active defense, to repel attacks by sorties, 
or to prevent the enemy occupying the whole of their old posi- 
tions, while it would have been impossible for any smaller force 
than the remainder of our troops, diminished by those three 
hundred men, to have any hope of making good their way 
back, and that not without very serious loss. I, therefore, adopt 
the second alternative as the only mode of offering reasonable 
hope of securing the safety of this force, by retaining sufficient 
strength to enforce supplies of provisions, should they not be 
open to us voluntarily, and to maintain ourselves, even on 
reduced rations, till I'einforcements advance to our relief." 

It will be remembered that up to this date not a soldier either 
of the Chinese Expedition force or of the troops sent out from 
England had reached Cawnpore. It was, therefore, not unreason- 
able, especially now Delhi had fallen, that Outram and Have- 
lock should expect to see strong reinforcements advanced to 
their relief. They consequently abandoned the intention of 
removing the wounded, with the women and children, to the 
Alum Bagh, determining to remain where they were till 
further help should arrive. It was accordingly arranged that, 
while Brigadier Inglis retained the command of the original 
garrison of the Residency, General Havelock and his troops 
should drive out the enemy, and occupy the palaces extending 
from the Residency along the river bank, to a point near the 
Kaiser Bagh. This was effected on the 27th September. Suc- 
cessful sorties were also made on the three following days on 
the enemy's more advanced positions. 

Havelock and his brave force had accomplished a great result. 
Their arrival had furnished the besieged with a great accession 
of strength, and thus made them independent of the native 
troops, upon whose continued fidelity their very existence had 



HAVELOCK. 79 

for Aveeks depended. " Our real dangers," writes Lieutenant 
Innes, " consisted in the probable determination of all the 
natives still with us to abandon us soon — the fearful exhaustion 
that would consequently have ensued — the necessity of aban- 
doning our outposts — the losses by musketry and mining which 
would have followed. Opposition to an assault would, witli 
our then diminished numbers, have been next to impossible, 
and thus most assuredly does the Lucknow garrison owe its 
lives to the timely arrival of Generals Outram and Havelock 
and their brave troops." 

The relieving column now occupied the series of palaces, in 
continuation of the Eesidency, stretching along the banks of 
the Goomtee. Although much defaced, and every-where ex- 
hibiting the action of war, they still looked grand in their ruin. 
The gardens, with their ornamental waters, spanned here and 
there with tasteful bridges ; the marble corridors, communi- 
cating with the zenanas and gorgeous temples which filled the 
grounds ; the golden domes and fluted minarets towering above 
the trees, seemed strangely out of keeping with their rude 
soldier-tenantry. Here were seen a group of rough Highlanders 
eating their scanty, coarse food out of the finest china, and 
surrounded with every conceivable article of luxury ; and there 
the dead body of a Sepoy or camel polluted the atmosphere, 
rendering it scarcely bearable. Cashmere shawls and porcelain 
ornaments lay about unvalued, no one caring to preserve them, 
while of the commonest necessaries there was absolute want. 
Such is war ! 

During the interval between the 25th of September, and the 
final relief of the garrison on November 17th, General Havelock 
continually experienced the extreme difficulty of defending his 
widely-extended lines with very insufficient means, incessantly 
harassed, as he was, by an unwearied and subtile foe. Sorties 
to silence a battery or to gain possession of some outpost of 
the enemy, were of almost daily occurrence ; while no sooner 



80 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

had lie occupied the palaces, than he had to begin a widely- 
extended system of mining, which required unwearied care from 
him by night and day. 

" I am aware of no parallel to our series of mines in modern 
war," wrote General Outram, on the final relief of the gar- 
rison ; " twenty-one shafts, aggregating 200 feet in depth, and 
3,291 feet of gallery, have been executed. The enemy ad- 
vanced twenty mines against the palaces and outposts. Of 
these they exploded three, which caused us loss of life, and two 
which did no injury ; seven have been blown in ; and out of 
seven others the enemy haVe been driven, and their galleries 
taken possession of by our miners — results of which the En- 
gineer department may well be proud. The reports and plans 
forwarded by Sir Henry Havelock, K. C. B., and now sub- 
mitted to his Excellency, will explain how a line of gardens, 
courts, and dwelling-houses, without fortified enceinte, without 
flanking defenses, and closely connected with the buildings of a 
city, has been maintained for eight weeks in a certain degree of 
security ; but notwithstanding the close and constant mus- 
ketry-fire from loop-holed walls and windows, often within 
thirty yards, and from every lofty building within rifle range, 
and notwithstanding a frequent though desultory fire of round 
shot and grape from guns posted at various distances, from 
seventy to five hundred yards." 

At last the gunpowder of the garrison began to fail, and 
something more must be done to counteract the strategy of 
their cunning enemies. A sort of subterranean cordon, or 
intercepting mine, was constructed around the more advanced 
and exposed portion of Havelock's position. Numerous shafts 
were sunk, and from these listening galleries were constructed, 
three feet in hight and two feet in breadth, of great length, 
encircling the whole of that portion of their position open to 
attack by mining. In these engineers were placed, constantly 
listening to discover the approach of the enemy's works, that 



HAVELOCK. 81 

they might break into their mines, or destroy them by small 
charges of powder, before they could reach Havelock's sub- 
terranean boundary. The value of this novel defense, ex- 
ecuted under the pressure of an unprecedented exigency, 
was repeatedly tested^ and invariably with the same favor- 
able results. A single instance will show the arduous nature 
of this work. 

" We broke into their gallery, some twelve feet from our 
wall, about twelve o'clock at night," says Lieutenant Hutch- 
inson, "and Sergeant Day, our superintending miner, remained 
below, assisted by others, holding the entrance to their gallery 
till I arrived. 

" On entering the enemy's gallery, I took Corporal Thomp- 
son, of the 78th Highlanders, with me, and, observing the 
apparently great length of the enemy's mine, proceeded cau- 
tiously to extinguish the lights, so as to keep ourselves in 
darkness as we advanced. At this time the enemy were in the 
mine at or near their shaft, which, contrary to their usual prac- 
tice, they evidently wished to hold uninjured. They generally 
fill them in at once when we take their gallery. 

" I proceeded, extinguishing the lights, till I distinctly saw 
the enemy at the far end, and to advance further would be to 
advance in a blaze of light. I therefore lay down and waited, 
as our preparations above, carried on under Lieutenant Tulloch, 
were not yet ready. While lying there, I saw a Sepoy, with 
musket at trail, advance down the mine, and, when within 
forty feet of him, fired at him. My pistol missed fire, and, 
before Corporal Thompson could hand me his pistol, the 
Sepoy had retreated. After remaining some time longer, I 
placed another man with Corporal Thompson, and went up 
to get an officer down, as I felt it required a very steady man 
down there to support us. While we were laying the charge, 
and making various arrangements, which utterly precluded our 
watching against an enemy's advance at the same time. Lieu- 



82 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

tenant Hay, of the 78t]i Higlilanders, then commanding the 
picket, kindly volunteered and took up my old post. Lieu- 
tenant Tulloch and Sergeant Day quickly got the powder 
down, and all arrangements ready, when we then withdrew 
Lieutenant Hay behind the partial barricade we had formed ; 
and while here, still watching with Corporal Thompson, he 
got two shots at another man, who attempted to come down 
the mine, and apparently wounded him. The enemy made no 
more attempts to come down the mine, but went outside their 
building, and came over our heads, apparently with the inten- 
tion of breaking through. After some quarter of an hour's 
walking overhead, they, I conclude, could not find the direc- 
tion of the mine, and retreated into the house. 

" Our charge of fifty pounds, which I had laid outside our 
barricade, and eighty-two feet up the enemy's gallery, was soon 
tamped, and the charge fired by Lieutenant Tulloch. The 
charge being laid with nine feet of sand-bag tamping behind 
it, and none in front, the main force of the powder acted to- 
ward the enemy's shaft, but it took down forty feet backward 
toward us, leaving us forty feet to use as a listening gallery. 
I deduce the enemy's mine to be two hundred feet long and 
upward, from the reconnoitering of Lieutenant Hay and my- 
self before we commenced laying our charge, and from the 
position of the houses it came from. The gallery had numer- 
ous air-holes and was thoroughly ventilated." 

It was remarkable that Dr. Brydon, who was with Have- 
lock, under similar desperate circumstances, at Jellalabad, was 
aleo with him at Lucknow. 

A few incidents of these memorable seven weeks were given 
by the General in a letter, which did not reach Bonn till after 
the account of his decease. It had been impossible for him to 
forward any commiinications, so entirely was his position 
beleaguered. Only once before in his military experience had 
lie found himself surrounded to such an insuperable extent, 



HAVELOCK. 83 

and tliat was at Jellalabad. Even there his isolation was not 
as extreme as it was at present at Lucknow. 

At length there was the hope that he might get tidings of 
himself and of his son conveyed to their anxious ones on the 
Rhine, and he wrote accordingly. The letter told, in a few 
words, of their dreadful conflict through the city. The severe 
privations they had been subjected to were intimated rather than 
narrated ; kindnesses, by which they had been cheered, were 
gratefully acknowledged; expectation of rescue by Sir Colin 
Campbell was hopefully expressed. There had, alas I been dis- 
aster, by which his wife and children would be especially dis- 
tressed. Henry had been wounded amidst the m.eUe, while 
fighting throiigh the city. On hearing what had happened, the 
husband of his cousin Mary undertook, of his own accord, to 
go at once and render him what help he could. Too disinter- 
ested to calculate what might befall him personally, and too 
magnanimous to leave his relative to his fate, he sought him 
out amidst the fire of the foe, and found him seriously damaged 
in the left arm. He succeeded in bringing him to the Eesi- 
dency, but it was with the loss of his own life. In saving his 
comrade he had sacrificed himself. One ball struck him, and 
then another, but on he went, with his wounded cousin in his 
charge, till he had placed him in a place of safety, and then 
right heroically, with his wife in fullest sympathy with his 
devotion, he laid down to die. 

The letter of the General will be read with the greater inter- 
est, as it was the last but one which he wrote his family : 

"Lucknow, November 10, 1857. 
"You will wonder at not having received a letter by the two 
last mails. It will be best to begin at the beginning of the 
story. Sir James Outram brought up my reinforcements on 
the 18th and 19th September. I threw a noble bridge of 
boats across the Ganges, and reached the further bank with 



84 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

two thousand, five hundred men. Sir James announced that 
I should have the honor of relieving Lucknow, and that he 
would accompany my force only as Chief Commissioner and 
as a volunteer. I heat the enemy on the 21st at Munghul- 

vara, and again at Alum Bagh Bhayon on the 23d 

We penetrated through a long suburb, and passed, under the 
cover of buildings, a fire from the Kaiser Bagh, or King's 
Palace, under which nothing could have lived. About this 
time an orderly brought up intelligence that H. was se- 
verely wounded. Night was coming on, and Sir James 
wished to put the troops into a palace and rest them ; but I 
strongly represented the necessity of reinforcing the garrison, 
lest it should be attacked and surprised in the darkness ; so the 
78th Highlanders and the Sikh regiment, of Ferozepore, were 
called to the front. Sir James and I, and two of the staff, 
put ourselves at their head, and on we charged, through streets 
of loop-holed houses, fired at perpetually, and over trenches ciit 
in the road, till we reached, in triumph, the beleaguered Resi- 
dency. Then came three cheers from the troops, and the fam- 
ished garrison found mock-turtle soup and champagne to 
regale me with as their deliverer. But the rest of my force 
and guns could not be brought in till the evening of the 26th, 
and by that time I had lost five hundred and thirty -five killed, 
wounded, and missing. Since that night we have been more 
closely blockaded than in Jellalabad. We eat a reduced ration 
of artillery bullock beef, chupatties, and rice ; but tea, coffee, 

sugar, soap, and candles are unknown hixuries 

The noble conduct of Mr. Martin Gubbins I must next record. 
My headquarters were established in the house of the late Mr. 
Ommaney, who was killed during the siege. Gubbins sent to 
invite me and all my staff to come and live in his better house. 
To this I would not consent, but commended to his care 
my two wounded officers. Colonel Tytler and H., and he 
has cared for them as if they were his children. I dine with 



HAVELOCK. 85 

him once a week, and he keeps me supplied with excellent 
sherry, without which it would have gone ill with me, for I find 
it not so easy to starve at sixty -three as at forty-seven. The 
enemy fire at us perpetually with guns, mortars, and musketry, 

but our casualties are not very numerous I should 

have told you that Bensley Thornhill volunteered to go out and 
bring H. in. Alas ! he received one bad wound over the eye, 
which injured the skull, while another ball broke in pieces his 
right arm. It was amputated. He lingered many days, and 
then died in the hospital, leaving Mary a young widow. Their 
only infant had died some time before. We are now daily 

expecting Sir Colin Campbell I visit the whole 

of my posts, in the palaces and gardens, with my staff, on foot, 
daily ; but my doctor has advised me to take something 
strengthening till we can get upon good diet again." 

Thus was Bensley Thornhill's death announced in the public 
papers : 

" Died at Lucknow, on the 12th of October, 1857, from 
wounds received on the 26th of September, when nobly head- 
ing a party to bring in some wounded men that had been left 
behind when Generals Outram and Havelock forced their way 
into the Kesidency on the previous evening, J. Bensley Thorn- 
hill, Esq., of the Bengal Civil Service, aged twenty-five years 
and six months. He had got in all the wounded except twelve 
men, and was taking the eldest son of General Sir Henry Have- 
lock into a place of safety when w'ounded, and as he entered a 
gateway a Sepoy from the opposite house sent a ball through 
his right arm ; he tied his handkerchief round his shattered 
arm, and went on with his noble and humane duty, and when 
returning the same Sepoy fired at him again, the ball wounding 
him over the temple, and leaving him insensible. He was taken 
to the hospital, and his right arm was amputated that night. 
He lingered sixteen days, and died of exhaustion from loss of 



86 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

blood, and want of food and nourishment tliat the place was 
destitute of. He was previously twice wounded in the heroic 
defense of the Lucknow garrison, and was honorably named in 
General Inglis's dispatch of the 25th of September. He will 
be sincerely lamented by all who were acquainted witb his up- 
right and Christian character. He has left a young widow of 
eighteen — a niece of the brave General Sir Henry Havelock — 
who has to mourn the loss of both her husband and infant 
child, after all the privations and sufferings she endured with 
the heroic garrison at Lucknow. Her husband got his death- 
wound in doing a brave, humane, and Christian act ; and had 
he lived, the highest honor, that of the Victoria Cross, would 
have been his. This is some consolation to her, and to his 
widowed mother." 

The sagacity of his medical man had observed for some time 
that the General's strength was on the wane. No actual sur- 
rendering had he evinced, either to any sense of lassitude or to 
any demand for repose. A dominant will peremptorily insisted 
on the suppression of any complaint, and on the unfaltering 
employment of every power both of body and mind. More 
necessary than ever were his vigilance and his energy both day 
and night. They must, therefore, be maintained. It was kind 
of the doctor to put him on his guard, still he had no option. 

But he must at his time of life be cautious. The privations 
of the last few weeks had considerably weakened him, and the 
extraordinary fatigue which he had undergone rendered it rather 
urgently incumbent that he should take care. There were 
symptoms, he was assured, which it would be most unwise to 
overlook. 

He had no desire to overlook them. He would take what 
care he could. At the same time, even if heai-t and flesh should 
fail, he must do his duty to his country, and that demanded 
from him just now the vigilant protection of the Residency from 
its ruthless and raorins: foes. 



HAVELOCK. 87 



THE BBSCUE ACCOMPLISHED. 

Time had been wearing on. October bad passed, and No- 
vember was now dragging its days and weeks anxiously along ; 
tbe hopes of the garrison meanwhile existing as they best could, 
upon the scanty intelligence brought in by spies, or communi- 
cated to them through a semaphore that had been extemporized 
upon the Alum Bagh. About the 12th they were made ac- 
quainted with the advance of Sir Colin Campbell from Cawn- 
pore, and of his junction with Brigadier Grant's column, then 
on its way to Lucknow ; and on the evening of the same day 
they heard of his arrival at Alum Bagh. On the morning of 
the 15th the march of the General to the Residency with a force 
of 5,000 men was telegraphed, and from that moment every 
one was on the watch to mark his progress. Regardless of the 
danger, courageous spirits mounted to the tower of the Res- 
idency, while not a few joined the look-out on the top of the 
Post-office. Here they were able to mark his course, while the 
smoke and fire indicated plainly his steady advance to their 
relief. 

Instead of crossing the canal at the bridge of the Char Bagh, 
as Havelock had done, on leaving the Alum Bagh Sir Colin at 
once diverged to the right, crossing the country to the Dilkoo- 
sha, a small palace surrounded by gardens, about three miles 
from the Residency. The sim was in its strength, and the route 
lay through meadow land and young sugar canes, but the 
troops, inspired with the iron energy of their leader, made light 
of these obstacles. After a running fight of two hours they 
drove the enemy down the park to the Martiniere, leaving that 
building, as well as the Dilkoosha, in the hands of Sir Colin 
Campbell. From this point his course to the Residency was 
successively disputed by the enemy, intrenched in great force in 
a series of strongly-fortified buildings. 

Early next morning Sir Colin began his march on the Si- 



88 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

kunder Bagh, a strong square building, surrounded by a wall 
of solid masonry — as usual, loop-holed all around. It was 
evident that the enemy was here in great numbers, and that the 
possession of the place would be hotly contested. A village on 
the opposite side of the road was also held by them. It was 
necessary to at once reduce the building, and to drive the enemy 
from the village. The General saw that to efiect this, artillery 
was wanted in a position that could not be reached without 
passing between a raking cross-fire from the village and the 
Sikunder Bagh itself. The necessary orders were given, and in 
a moment two batteries, one of the Bengal and another of the 
Royal Artillery, were galloping their guns through a perfect 
stream of fire. This done, a dazzling line of bayonets, belong- 
ing to the 53d and to the Highlanders, closing round the loop- 
holed village, cleared it at a run. Ahead of these two regiments 
the mutineers occupied groimd on the left of our advance in 
deep masses; but neither the strength of their ranks nor their 
numbers were of any avail against our brave soldiers. They 
swept across the ground without firing till they had faced the 
enemy ; then came the sharp gleams of fire, and the quick rattle, 
as of a single shot, and the bayonet in its terrible strength con- 
cluded the work. The mutineers were dispersed and driven 
across the plain, the 53d chasing them in skirmishing order ; 
while the 93d seizing the abandoned barracks, turned them into 
a military post. 

" The sight from the Residency," says an eye-witness, " was 
very fine. We could see the enemy retiring, and our guns ad- 
vancing, through openings in the trees. Occasionally a staff 
officer was seen dashing across, and once a group ot uifiut^'l 
officers, supposed to be Sir Colin and his staff, appeared and 
disappeared again. The firing of heavy guns, and the smoke 
rising in the clear air, with occasional glimpses of the troops, 
added greatly to the effect of a naturally-beautiful landscape." 

Meanwhile the artillery had been battering the walls of the 



HAVELOCK. 89 

Sikunder Bagh with little effect. At last a breach was made — 
a hole of two feet square — and then began a charge which for 
heroic daring has never been surpassed, and rarely equaled. 
The Sikhs and Highlanders rushed to the wall, and through 
that hole — for breach it could not be called — they flung them- 
selves in upon the foe. The entrance once effected, woe to the 
mutineers ! From the prison they had chosen there was no 
escape, except through barred windows high up in the building, 
and through the barricaded gate which was within a few yards 
of the cannon's mouth. What passed within that house of 
horrors none who survive care to tell. Now and then a plumed 
bonnet and a tartan plaid were laid upon the grass without the 
blood-stained entrance. Beneath them lay a stalwart form 
whose eye will never more gladden the northern cottage from 
which the dead man came. Hour after hour passed in that 
awful struggle. As we read of the storming of the Sikunder 
Bagh, it may seem as if it had been the work of a single hour. 
It was the work of several hours. Anxious men stood round 
this crater outside, wondering how the battle sped and when it 
would be won. 

But the volcano within the thick walls still raged like a fiery 
furnace, and life was its costly fuel. Gradually the sphere of 
action widened as different parts of the building were carried 
and allowed the entrance of fresh men ; but not more than four 
hundred soldiers of our army were at any moment inside, and, 
once in, there was no egress. The mutineers, whose numbers 
were at first overwhelming, struggled hard for life against the 
avenging column. At last the struggle closed ; the work of 
death was done ; the Sikunder Bagh no more intercepted their 
march of mercy ; and as they looked on the piles of dead, men were 
constrained to say, " Here surely is retribution for Cawnpore." 

Sir Colin's march was next opposed by the Shah Nujjeef, a 
mosque, surrounded by a garden, protected by a strong wall. 
"The wall of the inclosure of the mosque," says Sir Colin, 



90 HEROES OE THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

" was loop-lioled with great care. The entrance to it had been 
covered by a regular work in masonry, and the top of the 
building was crowned with a parapet. From this, and from 
the defenses in the garden, an unceasing fire of musketry was 
kept up from the commencement of the attack. 

" This position was defended with great resolution against a 
heavy cannonade of three hours. It was then stormed in the 
boldest manner by the 93d Highlanders under Brigadier Hope, 
supported by a battalion of detachments under Major Barnston, 
who was, I regret to say, severely wounded ; Captain Peel 
leading up his heavy guns with extraordinary gallantry within 
a few yards of the building, to batter the massive stone walls. 
The withering fire of the Highlanders effectually covered the 
Naval Brigade from great loss ; but it was an action almost 
unexampled in war. Captain Peel behaved very much as if he 
had been laying the Shannon along side an enemy's frigate. 

*' This brought the day's operations to a close." 

No pen can describe the intense interest with which Sir 
Colin's progress had been watched by the garrison. They 
could see every step he took, and they marked how every im- 
pediment raised by the enemy was overcome, till he reached 
the Sikunder Bagh and the mosque, while every gun he fired 
wakened an echo in many an anxious heart among those he 
was hastening to relieve. 

Meanwhile, Generals Outram and Havelock had been making 
every preparation to aid him when he should approach near 
enough for them to operate with safety to their OAvn position. 

The following extracts from Havelock's last dispatch, nar- 
rating these operations, will now be read with melancholy 
interest : 

"The progress of the relieving force under his Excellency 
the Commander-in-chief was anxiously watched, and it was 
determined that as soon as he should reach the Sikunder Bagh, 
about a mile and a half from the Eesidency, the outer wall of 



HAVELOCZ. 91 

the advance garden of the palace, in which the enemy had 
before made several breaches, should be blown in by the mines 
previously prepared ; that two powerful batteries erected in the 
inclosure should then open on the insurgents' defenses in front, 
and after the desired effect had been produced, that the troops 
should storm two buildings known by the names of the Hern- 
khana, or Deer-house, and the Steam-Engine house. Under 
these, also, three mines had been driven. 

"It was ascertained, about 11 o'clock, A. M., that Sir Colin 
Campbell was operating against the Sikunder Bagh. The ex- 
plosion of the mines in the garden was therefore ordered. 
Their action was, however, comparatively feeble ; so the batte- 
ries had the double task of completing the demolition of the 
wall and prostrating and breaching the works and the buildings 
beyond it. Brigadier Eyre commanded in the left battery. 
Captain Olpherts in the right ; Captain Maude shelled from six 
mortars in a more retired quadrangle of the palace. The troops 
were formed in the square of the Chuttur Munzill, and brought 
up in succession through the approaches, which in every di- 
rection intersected the advance garden. At a quarter-past 
three two of the mines at the Hernkhana exploded with good 
effect. At half-past three the advance sounded. It is impos- 
sible to describe the enthusiasm with which this signal was 
received by the troops. Pent up in inaction for upward of 
six weeks, and subjected to constant attacks, they felt that the 
hour of retribution and glorious exertion had returned. 

" Their cheers echoed through the courts of the palace, re- 
sponsive to the bugle sound, and on they rushed to assured 
victory. The enemy could no where withstand them. In a few 
minutes the whole of the buildings were in our possession, and 
have since been armed with cannon and steadily held against all 
attack." 

"On the next day" — we now quote from Sir Colin 's dis- 
patch — " communications were opened to the left rear of the 



92 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

barracks to the canal, after overcoming considerable difficulty. 
Captain Peel kept up a steady cannonade on the building called 
the mess-house. This building, of considerable size, was de- 
fended by a ditch about twelve feet broad, and scarped with 
masonry, and beyond that a loop-holed mud wall. I determ- 
ined to use the guns as much as possible in taking it. 

"About 3 o'clock, P. M., when it was considered that men 
might be sent to storm it without much risk, it was taken by a 
company of the 90th Foot, under Captain Wolseley, and a 
picket of Her Majesty's 53d, under Captain Hodkins, sup- 
ported by Major Barnston's battalion of detachments, under 
Captain Guise, Her Majesty's 90th Foot, and some of the 
Punjaub Infantry, under Lieutenant Powlett. The mess-house 
was carried immediately with a rush. 

" The troops then pressed forward with great vigor, and 
lined the wall separating the mess-house from the Mootee Mahal, 
which consists of a wide inclosure and many buildings. The 
enemy here made a last stand, which was overcome after an 
hour, openings having been broken in the wall, through which 
the troops poured, with a body of sappers, and accomplished 
oxir communications with the Residency. 

" I had the inexpressible satisfaction, shortly afterward, of 
greeting Sir James Outram and Sir Henry Havelock, who 
came out to meet me before the action was at an end. 

'•' The relief of the besieged garrison had been accomplished." 

What a greeting was that! The Iron Chief Sir Colin, with 
the dust of battle still upon him, the '' good Sir James," and 
the dying Havelock ! Meeting, too, while the walls of the 
palace where they stood were still reverberating with the din of 
battle — fit atmosphere for that reunion ! True knights these 
three brave hearts ! Each had periled his life to rescue the 
helpless, and one was soon to lay his down worn out in their 
defense. 

" Sir Colin Campbell" — says the aiTthor of "The Siege of 



HAVELOCK. 93 

Lucknow " — "received the hearty thanks and congratulations 
of Sir James with evident satisfaction ; and G-eneral Havelock, 
not less delighted and proud, harangued the troops who had so 
gallantly carried out all the Commander-in-chief's brilliant 
manuevers, in that concise, and yet soul-stirring language 
for which he was so well known by his soldiers. While yet 
speaking, his attention was drawn to the place where his eldest 
son had just fallen, wounded by a musket-ball from the enemy. 
Though his father's heart must have been then bleeding with 
anguish, and beating with curiosity to know the nature of the 
wound, the General, with wonderful self-command, continued 
his discourse without interruption, and then, only amid the 
cheers of the men who were unacquainted with the sad event 
which had just happened, left to visit his wounded son. For- 
tunately it was only a slight wound, and he soon recovered 
from the effects of it." 

It now became necessary to consider in what way the re- 
moval from the Residency could be accomplished. To stay 
there would have been to insure the recurrence of the hardships 
and disasters of the last seven weeks. They must depart with- 
out delay. It was determined by Sir Colin Campbell to effect 
his object by a ruse. Accordingly he made his dispositions and 
continued his fire, as if he intended to dislodge the enemy from 
their position around the Residency. Through several days 
this was done. At length lines of pickets were arranged, 
through which the women and children with the wounded were 
to be conducted to the Alum Bagh. Of this the rebels had no 
information, so that they kept on their murderous fire, as they 
deemed it, upon the garrison far into the night. Before mid- 
night the departure had commenced. Leaving behind them 
many a sad memento of the losses they had suffered and of the 
calamities they had endured, the rescued ones went forth hardly 
knowing whither they went. Probabilities were all against 
the hope that they might elude the observation of their fiendish 



'94 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

and bloodthirsty foes. But greater was He who was for them 
than all those who were against them. The cavalcade moved 
silently and slowly onward, unnoticed and unchallenged by 
any portentous token or any unfriendly voice. Believing that 
the pickets were faithfully occupying their appointed places, 
and that the pathways along the many narrow lanes had been 
well ascertained, hope animated the fugitives, while the con- 
tinuous fire upon their abandoned prison-house convinced them 
that the assailants had no idea of their escape. The Generals 
were as anxious and as vigilant as though they had had their 
own wives and children beneath their care, evincing the most 
instinctive solicitude to secure as far as possible the convenience 
of each wounded soldier, and the comfort of every weakly 
child. A fine subject for a congenial artist, that strange and 
extemporaneous grouping of young men and maidens, of old 
men and children, threading their dubious way from impending 
danger to a place of safety amidst the darkness of a long 
November night. 

It had been deemed desirable to take from the Eesidency the 
treasure w^hich had been accumulated there, and the jewels 
formerly belonging to the King of Oude ; this was following 
in the train of the cavalcade. Hour after hour passed without 
the occurrence of a mishap, and as morning drew on the im- 
pression deepened and encouraged every heart that they were 
really safe. Daylight at length revealed to them their position, 
and they saw the pickets, between whose friendly and effective 
shelter they had been passing all the night, closing in around 
them. To the delight of the gallant deliverers, not a soul who 
had left Lucknow was missing. One of the most sagacious 
devices with which modern warfare is acquainted was com- 
pletely successful. The hope that had been so long deferred 
was realized ; thus far the fugitives from the house of bondage 
were free. A subsequent march under the same truly-patri- 
archal guardianship brought the rescued ones to the Alum 



HAVELOCK. 95 

Bagh. Having obtained what refreshment was available for 
their manifold need, the wounded and the sick, with the children 
and women, were escorted on toward Cawnpore, on their way 
to Allahabad ; God still wonderfully preserving them and hon- 
oring, as with his special favor, the self-denying and indom- 
itable bravery which twice over had interposed for their relief. 
Happy had Havelock been beyond expression as he bade the 
objects of his anxiety and the companions of his privations 
farewell. They were on their way, he trusted, to scenes at once 
peaceful and secure ; he would remain and fulfill his duty, that 
in time to come the scenes about Lucknow might be peaceful 
and secure too. The day would dawn on India when they 
should beat their swords into plowshares and their spears into 
pruning-hooks, when nation would not lift up sword against 
nation, neither should they learn war any more — when, to 
adopt his own words, '* the evils and horrors of belligerency " 
would be unknown. 

HAVELOCK 'S DEATH. 

Before the rescue had been accomplished, Havelock had 
become seriously unwell. The first symptoms which excited 
immediate apprehension were those of indigestion. These, 
however, were presently suppressed, and he was pronounced 
better. There seemed cause for hope ; especially as he was not 
only now relieved from his heavy responsibility, but was pro- 
vided with the sustenance of which he had for weeks been de- 
prived. His medical attendant was most assiduous ; and, from 
the Commander-in-chief down to the servants in the Eesidency, 
all were ready to render to the General any help within their 
power. 

The 20th of November closed upon him with some promise 
of continuous amendment ; but, before midnight, according to 
a correspondent of " The Englishman," unmistakable signs of 
dysentery made their appearance, and promptest attention was 



96 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

necessary, witli the best measures wHcli sagacity and science 
could supply. They were apparently successful ; and by the 
forenoon of the 21st there were again indications of improve- 
ment. 

With characteristic mindfulness of home, one of the first 
things which he had done on the relief of the Residency was to 
write to his family. Other letters had indicated apprehension 
of what might happen. This letter expresses nothing which 
gave occasion for alarm. 

Prospects were brightening, and he hoped that they should 
erelong bear away the surviving women and children to a 
place of safety, and that some of their own most pressing 
wants would in a measure be supplied. For weeks had they 
been unable to change any of their clothing. Just as they came 
into the Residency, so had they continued night and day for 
forty days ; harassed incessantly by the enemy, and beset with 
disease and death, without even the ordinary conveniences 
whereby they could be bodily refreshed. It would be better 
now. 

Information, too, had reached him of the estimate in which 
his country held him for his bravery, and of the first of the 
series of honors which had been conferred on him by the 
Queen. This was cheering. He was grateful, but as modest 
and unostentatious as ever. The children were remembered in 
a kindly message, and their brother, they were assured, though 
again wounded, was doing well. 

"November V^th. — Sir Colin has come up with some 5,000 
men, and much altered the state of affairs. The papers of the 
26th September came with him, announcing my elevation to 
the Commandership of the Bath for my first three battles. I 
have fought nine more since. . . . Dear H. has been 
a second time wounded in the same left arm. This second hit 
was a musket-ball in the shoulder. He is in good spirits, and 
is doing well. . . . Love to the children. . . . I do not 



HAVELOCK. 97 

after all see my elevation in tlie * Gazette,' but Sir Colin ad*- 
dresses me as Sir Henry Havelock. . . . Our baggage is at 
Alum Bagh, four miles off; and we all came into this place 
with a single suit, which hardly any have put off for forty 
days." 

This was the last letter which Havelock ever wrote. No 
more would he indite the graver or the pleasanter things for 
perusal and pleasurable conversation at Bonn. Henceforward 
the wedding-day and the birthdays would pass uncommemorated 
by the grateful references of the conjugal and parental pen. 
The admonitions and encouragements which had been so 
habitually interspersed with the periodical correspondence of 
the last seven years had come to a perpetual end. Happily, 
however, though his communications with his beloved ones 
had terminated, they would hear that his confidence in God had 
triumphantly availed as he passed through the valley of the 
shadow of death. 

It was now generally known that Havelock was getting 
worse. He was not seen about among his companions-in-arms. 
They missed him in the places of military resort. There was 
sorrow lest, after all his self-sacrificing exertions to rescue 
others, he should himself succumb. 

To further the incipient improvement of the 20th, it had been 
arranged to move him to the Dilkoosha ; the change of air 
being deemed of importance at the crisis which he had just 
reached. 

The change from the Residency had refreshed the invalid. 

Further improvement was observed, and gladly reported. It 

might be that, thoiigh terribly reduced, he would survive. But 

only momentary was the probability. Early on the 22d the 

disease assumed a malignant form ; and though it inflicted no 

severe bodily suffering, yet it was evidently taking away hivS 

life. 

The confidence of the dying man became more and more pro- 

9 



98 HEEOES OP THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

found. To have departed in tlie midst of his family would 
have been an alleviation. Thoughts, fond and fatherly, fol- 
lowed one another toward his beloved ones far away on the 
Rhine. But God had willed that he should not go hence with 
their prayerful and sustaining utterances falling gently on his 
ear. He therefore devoutly acquiesced ; and, remembering 
gracious promises about God's inalienable loving-kindness to the 
fatherless and the widow, he commended them to the Divine 
care, and then collected himself to enjoy the abundant entrance 
into the everlasting kingdom of our Lord and Savior Jesus 
Christ. 

The 23d passed in the calmest submission to the Lord's will. 
Every faculty was active, and every sensibility of his nature 
in fullest power. No mere indifference was upon him. It was 
not because he did not choose to realize his position that he 
contrived to be at peace. He knew that he was about to make 
the great transition from the life that now is to that which is to 
come. He remembered his unworthiness of all God's favors. 
He was actually conscious, as he was lying there in his pros- 
tration, of his personal desert of banishment from God. But 
then he was in Christ ; and, being there, it was impossible 
he should perish. He must needs have everlasting life. 

His illustrious companion. Sir James Outram, having called, 
he thought it right to say to him what was then upon his mind. 
" For more than forty years," was his remark to Sir James — 
"for more than forty years I have so ruled my life that when 
death came I might face it without fear." 

Often had they faced it together, even during that recent 
memorable advance for the relief of Lucknow. There, however, 
God had averted it ; but here, at the Dilkoosha, it was present 
in all its power, and must be met. " So be it," was the un- 
perturbed response of Outram's comrade ; " I am not in the 
least afraid to die. To die is gain." 

"1 die happy and contented," he kept on saying, knowing 



HAVELOCK. 99 

whom he had helieved, and persuaded that he was able to keep 
what he had committed to him till that day. 

On the 24th his end was obviously near at hand. 

His eldest son was still his loving and faithful nurse — him- 
self, it should be remembered, a wounded man, and specially 
needing kindly care. Waiting on his father with unflagging 
and womanly assiduity, he was summoned to hearken to some 
parting words. 

" Come," said the disciple thus faithful unto death ; " come, 
my son, and see how a Christian can die." And Havelock 
died 



100 HEKOES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 



REV. MR. POLEHAMPTON, 

CHAPLAIN AT LUCKNOW. 

The brothers of Mr. Poleliampton write the history of his 
life, from which we make the following sketch. It is the story 
of an ordinary English clergyman, essentially a University 
man, with his heart still dwelling on the cricket-field and col- 
lege boat-race — a man not a whit more learned or more brill- 
iant than a thousand others of his class, doing most unaffect- 
edly what hundreds more would have been glad to do — type, as 
we feel, of a large class of English gentlemen who can be true 
heroes when occasion offers. Mr. Polehampton died at the 
early age of thirty-three. He was a clergyman's son, sent, 
when eight years old, to Eton ; there in good credit among his 
school-fellows as a fearless, honest boy, a stout swimmer, a 
good oar, and the first choice out of the Eleven in which he 
once played in the public school matches, at Lord's cricket 
ground. He went to Oxford, at the age of eighteen, as scholar 
of Pembroke College, passed his examination creditably with- 
out seeking honors, but was high in honor for his upright life, 
and for the sincerity of a religious spirit free from cant. He 
was a sturdy swimmer still, and once received the silver medal 
of the Royal Humane Society for having, at peril of his own 
life, saved a man from drowning in the Lasher. Boating was 
still his pride ; as a child, he had once ridden from Eton in 
the front boot of a coach to see a boat race. Under his cap- 
taincy the college boat was an unconquered one, and in 1846 
he was chosen to row in the University boat, in the match 



EEV. MR. POLEHAMPTON. 101 

witii Cambridge. When he was ordained, the words of the 
service did not fall as words of form upon his open, honest 
heart. Afterward, for a little while, he occupied the pulpit in 
his birthplace, and in 1849 he became assistant curate at St. 
Chad's, Shrewsbury, the parish of which his mother's father 
had been vicar for more than forty years. In 1852 Mr. Pole- 
hampton became engaged to his future wife, Emily, youngest 
daughter of a barrister in Shrewsbury, but could not marry on 
his curacy. After three years of waiting, the kind office of a 
friend secured the Indian appointment. Then he was mar- 
ried at St. Chad's church, by his brother, and, after a round 
of visits to home places and home friends, to his deceased 
father's parsonage, to the old school at Eton, to his Oxford 
friends, he sailed from England. In the old birthplace at 
Greenford he writes : 

" When we got into the village, I showed Emmie where the 
Randolphs, Huddlestones, etc., lived, and we went down the 
hill to Sayer's, [the parish clerk in his father's time and 
since.] He knew me at once, and we then went to the church. 
Besides its interest to me, there is a great deal to see there in 
the way of old brasses. I showed Emmie the register-book, 
with one of our births on every other page. Sayer pointed 
out the window which my father made, or rather began, with 
a pick-ax. He wanted the poor, who sat under the gallery, 
to have more light. The church-wardens said there was 
enough. My father answered there was not. They said there 
should not be another window ; he said there should. They 
got peremptory. 'Upon which,' said Sayer, 'Mr. Polehampton 
says, says he, "Brown, bring me the pick!" and he hits it 
into the wall, and picks out four or five great stones ; and says 
he, " There, now, my boys, I 've made a beginning, you go 
on ; never mind what any body says, and do you make a 
finish of it." ' So there the window is, and the poor of Green- 
ford can see to read their Bibles." 



102 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

The good blood descends. At Oxford the old student's first 
thought was to go "straight to the University Barge," and he 
did not leave till he had a last pull in the scratch four-oar 
races, and won a pint pewter to take out with him. It was his 
drinking vessel in the siege, the cup from which he drank in 
the hour of his death ; the cup that his wife used afterward 
throughout her noble ministrations to the sick and wounded, 
in hospital, on the march, and on board the Himalaya. 

Simple and true as the man himself was are his letters and 
his diary. The home letters from the young wedded couple, 
full of natural kindliness and playfulness, and of deep earnest- 
ness withal, are sometimes inexpressibly touching. Force of 
character in them produces an effect missed often when labored 
for by force of genius alone. The love of boating cleaves to 
him. 

" One day," says a letter, "breakfasted with Captain Cor- 
bett, at the 52d mess. At breakfast were two or three of the 
Eton men, who are in the regiment. One of them — ^Mr. 
Crosse — told me that he had just seen my name in Bell's Life. 
It was in Bell's account of the late match with Cambridge, 
in which he has given lists of all the former crews. I told 
him I was not ashamed, as I had two bishops to keep me in 
countenance, whose names appear in the same paper. I then 
read the account of the race, which greatly interested me." 

And the letter chatters on over its details. He had a pull 
against tide up the Hoogley, and an early morning pull in a 
four-oar, on the river at Lucknow, preceded the serious attack 
of fever brought on by his devotion to the sick after the out- 
break of cholera. His account of his illness, in a letter to his 
mother, contains one of the best descriptions of a mind in 
delirium that we have read for a long while. Its quiet accu- 
racy sorely discredits many an overcharged elaboration of the 
novelist. 

" On Wednesday night — six days after I was taken ill — 



REV. MR, POLEHAMPTON. 103 

they gave me a sleeping draught. In the course of the night 
I became delirious. About 3 o'clock, A. M., I fancied I was 
ordered to get up, shave, and dress ; so 1 got up, summoned 
the bearer, to his intense astonishment, made him get the 
things, and then — it was a wonder I did 'nt cut myself — in a 
second or two, by most desperate slashes, took off my mus- 
tache of a week's growth. Then I went back to bed and 

slept At one time I felt some one bathing my 

head ; it was Emmie, and strangely those lines of Marmion 
came into my head : 

' Is it the hand of Clare, he said, 

Or injured Constance bathes my head?' 

And I suppose, in the connection with these, the following 
lines, from the same poem : 

'Above his head 
He shook the fragment of his blade, 
And shouted " victory 1" ' 

And I did shout ' victory,' so loud as to make the house ring 
again. By and by I got very faint, and thought I was dying. 
I was perfectly happy ; I heard their voices faintly about me, 
but I could not speak, and did not wish to do so ; and then I 
fainted, or fell asleep. Presently I woke again, and found 
myself in the same room with the same persons around me. I 
thought I was dead ; that it was the judgment-day, and that I 
was only waiting for the angels to carry me away to judg- 
ment. I felt perfectly safe and secure, 'my iniquities blotted 
out, and my sins covered.' I prayed for all of you, and 
inquired if you were safe ; and I thought a voice told me to 
wait God's pleasure and I should know all. Then Hutchin- 
son and Fayrer, every now and then, would come suddenly to 
me and try to rouse me. I sang, I fancy to myself, for Emmie 
says she did not hear me, 'Lend, lend your wings/ but I 
stopped at 'I mount, I fly.' Emmie says, however, that I 



104 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

chanted part of a chant quite correctly, which I do n't remem- 
ber doing. I do n *t know how long all this took, but I fancy 
about two hours. In the mean while the doctors had come to 
the conclusion that I ought to be taken to some other house ; 
and Mr. Gubbins begged that they would take me to his, and 
he came with Dr. Fayrer to mine. Presently I was seized 
upon by four men, and carried into Di\ Fayrer's close carriage, 
which was at the door. I had an idea that they would take nie 
to the church, and that then I should go to heaven, and I was 
disappointed when they passed it, and drove to Mr. Gubbins's 
house. There they took me out and carried me up-stairs, and 
put me on the bed in the same room in which we slept for 
three weeks when we first came to Lucknow. I slowly came 
partially to myself, but I was not quite right for any length of 
time for nearly a fortnight. What between leeches and blis- 
ters I had pain enough ; for Bengal leeches are not like Eng- 
lish ; they are as bad as Bengal tigers 

" What babies we are when we are recovering from sickness ! 
I used to delight so in flowers. Dear Emmie used to bring two 
beautiful passion flowers, all wet with dew, and put them on a 
pillow for me to look at every morning, when I was so weak 
that I could scarcely lift my head. She used to send me pas- 
sion flowers from the Crescent before we were married ; so her 
doing so here had the charm of bringing back old memories, 
and so added beauty to the flowers. Passion flowers are almost 
the same here as in England. I used to like to get all the 
jewelry I could on the bed, and Emmie's gold bracelet. 
Any thing with color in it I delighted in. I fancy it is so with 
all sick people." 

For the indications of character contained in it we may quote 
also this passage from a home letter : 

" Wednesday, Oct. 22c?. — Yesterday I kept no journal; I'll 
tell you why. At 6 o'clock I went out for a ride. I hadn't 
gone a hundred yards before I heard horses behind me, and Mr. 



REV. ME. POLEHAMPTON. 105 

Gubbins's voice saying, * Ali ! that 's what he calls getting up 
early.' I turned around, and there were Miss Ommaney, Mr. 
Gubbins, and Dr. Fayrer. Dr. Fayrer turned off to make a 
visit ; the two others came on with me. We walked our horses 
through the station, and then, coming to a sandy road, where I 
had never been before, Mr. Gubbins proposed a gallop ; so off 
we went. We had ridden about three-quarters of a mile, when 
a native ran right across Miss Ommaney's horse, and got 
knocked down, but was not hurt, as it was sandy. I remember 
riding on about a quarter of a mile further, and becoming from 
some cause or other rather unsteady in my saddle ; and then I 
don't remember any thing else, till I found myself on the 
ground asking for my spectacles — a requisition natural to all 
Polehamptons on becoming conscious or first awaking. Then 
I do n't remember any thing else, till I found myself at my 
own door, and my horse trying to kick Miss Ommaney's. I 
was supported up the steps and deposited on the sofa. I was 
conscious that I had had a fall, but I could not remember any 
thing for a long time ; could n't think why my hair was so 
short, etc. Mr. Gubbins wrote a note for a doctor, and got 
home as fast as he could with Miss Ommaney. Emmie came 
in just after he was gone ; no one had told her I had had a 
fall, so you may imagine she was rather frightened to see me 
lying on the sofa looking somewhat pale. However, she is not 
given to hysterics, and so she did what was needful very quietly, 
and I got quite right in about an hour. It seems that Mr. 
Gubbins heard some natives shouting, ' He has fallen,' and, 
looking round, saw my horse running away, and me in the arms 
of two friendly natives. He caught my horse, and somehow or 
other got me on him, and I rode home; all the way making 
profuse apologies to Miss Ommaney, of all which I can re- 
member nothing. The back of my head was cut and bleeding, 
but not badly, Mr. Gubbins says ; the horse must have kicked 
me as I fell, as there were no stones and I fell on the sand. I 



106 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

suppose my head is too weak after the fever to stand violent 
exercise, and that I became suddenly giddy and fell off'. I ought 
to he very thankful that my fall was not on the hard road. ' So 
no more at present ' from your affectionate son, ' which ' I hope 
this will find you as it leaves me ; not with a sore head 
though." 

In the next letter he asks, " Am I not like a young hear, 
with all my sorrows to come ? I never had a pain till I 
came here, worse than a flogging at Eton, or a blow on the 
shin from a cricket-ball. However, I do n't put down these to 
India ; they have been such as might have happened any where 
else." 

Then followed a sore trial to the young couple in the death, 
soon after birth, of their first child. The long letter which 
tells of this, by its simplicity of detail and because it is the 
detail of a sorrow borne by brave and tender hearts, is deeply 
touching. Through what probation in the death of her first- 
born and in the death of her husband, the chaplain's wife passed, 
without losing strength to be a helper of other men in their own 
hours of sorroAV, it is well to feel : 

" My dearest mother. . . . Edward's letter has just been put 
into my hands, in which he expressed a wish that there might 
by this time be three of us, instead of two ; and his wish was 
soon gratified, for at half-past eight in the evening of December 
30th, my first-born was ushered into the world, and highly de- 
lighted I was to hear Mrs. Pender, the nurse, say, 'It's a little 
boy.' . . . On Wednesday and Thursday both Emmie and the 
baby went on as well as possible. . . . As I walked slowly 
home by moonlight, I was thinking how happy I was to have 
a son, and was saying to myself, ' I have a son,' in all the lan- 
guages I know. On my arrival at home I found the nurse 
looking very blank ; she told me the baby had just had a con- 
vulsion fit. . . . Not liking the nurse's account, and fearing the 
result of another fit, if one came on, I baptized the child, call- 



KEV. MR. POLEHAMPTON. 1Q7 

ing him Henry Allnatt. We thought it better not to tell 
Emmie of his illness till the doctor came again. When he 
did come, he told me for the first time that the child had been 
very delicate from his birth, and that, though he certainly might 
get well and live, he thought it very likely he would not. So, 
by his advice, I then told Emmie he was unwell. She took the 
alarm at once, and was very much distressed, but soon recovered, 
and became quite composed. . . . He was in his mother's bed 
nearly all the time. I nursed him myself for about an hour by 
the fire. I went to sleep, and when I awoke I found our little 
darling much quieter, and I thought better ; but Emmie did not 
think so. . . . The nurse took him away from her, and held 
him near the fire, and then, after gasping for breath a little 
while, he died. Poor little boy ! I prayed very earnestly that 
he might be spared, but it was not to be. Mrs. Pender carried 
our little dead lamb back to his mother, and it was piteous to 
see how she folded him to her arms and cried. After a while 
the nurse carried him away, and laid him out in his little 
basket-cradle, just below Emmie's bed, where she could look 
into it. . . . In the evening, Emmie, who had been very quiet 
up to this time, had been intently watching baby's face as he 
lay beside her in the cradle, had an alarming hysterical fit. . . . 
Dr. Partridge desired he might be buried next day, as he said it 
was of the greatest importance he should be taken away from 
Emmie, for that hanging over him and gazing intently on him, 
as she never ceased to do, was having a very bad effect upon 
her in her weak state. She did not make much objection when 
I told her. When I awoke in the morning she was still gazing 
on her child. At 10 o'clock Captain Hayes and Dr. Partridge 
came. I had asked the former to come, and had also asked for 
the use of a little close carriage of his, to carry the baby to the 
cemetery. He brought his brougham too, and he and Dr. 
Partridge went in it, and I with my dear little boy in the close 
carriage ; the only ride we shall ever have together ! But first, 



108 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

there was tlie cruel task of taking him away from his mother ! 
She begged to have him a little while longer ; she had him 
taken out of his cradle and put on a pillow by her, and then 
she folded him in her arms, and wept over him in a manner 
which made me feel more than I ever felt in my life. Then she 
had the coffin put where the cradle had been, and placed him in 
it herself, and put some little dark red roses which grow in 
great luxuriance in our garden, and of which she is very fond, 
in his hands, and on his breast ; and then she bravely covered 
him up, and I carried him out and fastened down the coffin out 
of her hearing." 

Some time afterward, in a letter to a brother, he writes : 

"Yes, I remember, and often think of that last pleasant 
day's fishing ! This time six years I hope to be not very far 
from just such another. My poor little boy ! he will never 
want that fishing-rod, which you saved in such a marvelous 
manner. I feel my child's death far more now than I did at 
first. We go to his grave every now and then. Emmie likes 
to take flowers there. Last Friday she took some and made 
them into a cross, and laid them on the flat stone which covers 
his grave. If we have twenty children, we shall never forget 
our first-born. But God's will be done ; I do n't deserve such 
a blessing." 

A brother chaplain, Mr. Harris, arrives : 

" He is the man I remember at Oxford, pulling in the Bra- 
senose boat. I only remember seeing him once, and that was 
one night in the year 1845, when the B. N. C. bumped our 
boat in the races. After the bump, as the two boats lay to- 
gether while the others passed, he was close by me for ten 
minutes. I have never seen him since." 

We do not dwell upon the perils of the siege, or on the 
chaplain's manful labor in his calling. His last letter home 
ends thus : 

" Very likely this will be my last letter for some time ; it 



KEY. MR. POLEHAMPTON. 109 

may be my last altogether. I hope not ; but come what may, 
I am prepared ; and whatever you hear of me, it will not be 
that I have disgraced myself. Emmie sends her best love. 
God bless you all. 

" Ever your affectionate, 

'* Henry S. Polehampton." 

Truly they have not been tidings of disgrace. We dwell 
still on the personal details. Mrs. Polehampton is writing to 
her husband's mother of his death : 

" He had not the least fear of death. He said to those who 
came to see him on his death-bed, 'I am not in the least 
frightened, and I know exactly how I am.' And his beautiful, 
fearless smile must have proved to them how little dread there 
was for him in the prospect of death. ... I can not tell 
you what a strange, unearthly sort of peace I had at the time 
of his death. Through that last day and night of his life, up 
to the moment that he died, a marvelous kind of triumphant 
feeling came over me. I can not explain it, but I felt as if I 
were watching his entrance into the joy of his Lord ; and I 
seemed to feel the joy myself. This feeling continued for 
days after, in a greater or less degree, and only became less 
radiant as the death-like blank in my own life became more 
apparent." 

Of herself as a laborer, in letters or diary, the true-hearted lady 
says nothing, except once, in answer to inquiry, this. If we 
had not heard of her from others, we should hardly give her 
words their full interpretation. 

" My own private life was so unvaried and uniform, that 
there is nothing in it worth relating. If I give you a sketch 
of one day you will have an idea of what it was during a great 
portion of the time — that is to say, after the reinforcements 
came in ; before that, from the time of Henry's death, I had no 
employment of any sort. We used to pass the day in our 
gloomy room as well as we could, in reading, and writing, and 



110 HEKOES OP THE INDIAN EEBELLION. 

working. After this, I used to go to the hospital after break- 
fast, spend as many hours there as I found necessary, and 
return to dinner. In the evening I only spent an hour in the 
hospital, and then, when it got dark, my time of rest came ; 
the most precious hour I had in the day ; and that I spent at 
my darling Henry's grave. I often wonder now, in looking 
back at that time, how I escaped as I did on these occasions, 
for the bullets were constantly flying thickly, close over my 
head as I was sitting at the grave, and several times shells burst 
within a few yards of me there. It seemed so strange that I 
should be one to escape." 

Such is the private story of one Christian gentleman who 
gave his life up to his country in the siege of Lucknow. 



A lady's escape from gwalior. m 



A LADY'S ESCAPE FROM GWALIOR. 

The writer of this thrilling episode of the Indian Rebellion 
is a woman, the wife of a chaplain — Mrs. Coopland, of Thorp 
Arch Vicarage. We have so abridged her story that its most 
interesting portions are given in a small part of the space 
given to it in the original English work. 

THE AKKIVAL IN INDIA. 

We reached Calcutta on the afternoon of the 17th of 
November, 1856. The usual bustle and excitement, consequent 
on the arrival of an overland steamer, ensued. We all gathered 
on deck to view the rapidly-approaching land. Some who were 
returning to homes and relations, welcomed this country of 
their adoption as an old friend. Others, like myself, examined 
with a critical eye the new and strange land which they believed 
would be their homes for many years. At last we anchored, 
and the friends who had been impatiently waiting on shore put 
off to the vessel. My husband's brother-in-law now appeared, to 
our surprise, as we did not know he had arrived a fortnight be- 
fore. Our boarding-house was ready for us, and, getting a boat, 
we were soon on shore. 

We arrived before long at our destination. Miss Wright's 
boarding-house, one of the quietest and best-conducted establish- 
ments of the kind. We much preferred it to the confusion of 
a great hotel ; my husband, too, had been there before. Miss 
Wright we found a most pleasant and attentive hostess. Our 
large, airy room reminded me of some in the German hotels. 
After the luxury of a bath, we waited for dinner in the drawing- 



112 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

room, wliicli only differed from an English one in the quantity 
of its lights. By this time the room was filled with hungry 
people, ready for dinner, an agreeable mixture of civil and 
military, hut no ladies. A native appeared with meekly-folded 
hands, and, in a sedate voice, said, " Khana mez pur hi " — din- 
ner is on the table. We then proceeded to the dining-room, 
which we had only been separated from by silken curtains. 
The table was surrounded by native servants, gayly attired in 
their winter clothing, of different-colored cloth. I only noticed 
a few odd things ; the one was the want of decanters ; the 
black bottles were clothed in pretty netted covers, and the 
tumblers had small silver covers to keep out the insects. I re- 
member sitting next to a poor young officer, Avho gave me an 
account of fever, ague, and other Indian drawbacks ; he looked 
dreadfully ill, and was on the eve of embarking for England. 

The next morning my husband went to call on the Bishop, 
and report his arrival. ... I will describe how each day 
passes in Calcutta. 

We rise at daybreak, half-past five o'clock ; the morning is 
heralded by the cawing of myriads of crows, the sharp squealing 
of kites, and the twittering of sparrows ; very different from 
the awakening in a quiet country-house in England ; and in- 
stead of thinking and indulging for an extra half hour, we start 
up, hurry over our bath and dressing, and then go out for a 
drive of an hour ; and woe betide your head if you remain out 
too long without the buggy-hood up. We then loiter as long 
as we dare in the garden ; return in and partake of bread and 
butter and tea ; bathe, and dress for breakfast at 9 o'clock : after 
that most ladies occupy themselves with their households and 
children. My husband went out to the shops to buy things for 
our journey up the country. 

At twelve a dead calm falls on the whole city. The delicate 
European lady in her lofty chamber, the poor coolie with his 
head wrapped in his turban, and curled up in some corner, or 



A lady's escape from gwalior. 113 

basking in the sun, even the animals, are alike slumbering. At 
two there is tiffin ; we read and amuse ourselves till five, 
when we again drive out, dine at seven, anrl retire to bed at 
ten. But the gay inhabitants of Calcutta do n't keep such 
early hours : the cool time of the year is their " season," when 
they keep as late hours as " Londoners." 

We soon heard from the Bishop that my husband's station 
was to be Gwalior. We asked some friends what sort of a place 
Gwalior was, and found it was not under the government, being 
in the Mahratta states of Gwalior and Indore ; the rajahs of which 
are each bound by treaty to maintain a body of troops, officered 
from the Company's army, and under the sole orders of the Brit- 
ish residents at their respective courts. Scindiah's Contingent 
consists of five corps of artillery, with thirty guns, two regiments 
of ca-valry, seven of infantry — in all, about 7,300 mnn. This 
Contingent was called into the field during the disturbances in 
Bundlecund, and did very good service. We were told Gwalior 
was considered, though very hot, a healthy station, and the 
society there very pleasant ; for, being a Contingency, the officers 
and their families did not change so often as at other stations. 

We now began to make preparations for our departure from 
Calcutta. We bought a grand piano, a buggy, a store of 
glass, etc., and then "laid our dak,"* which is necessary in 
order to have relays of horses. The great number of people 
who were on their way up to the north-west provinces made it 
necessary to bespeak a dak carriage. Some ten years ago, when 
people traveled up in palanquins, they used to have relays of 
bearers at every stage, and arrangements made. The money i.s 
always paid beforehand. I think our journey altogether up 
the country cost us between £50 and £6U. We could only go as 
far as Agra by dak carriage ; from thence to Gwalior we were 
to proceed in the old way by bearers' dak. We then hired a 



* Laid our dak ; that is, arranged our relays of bearers. 

10 



114 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

kitmutghar ; but I could not hear of an ayah who would leave 
Calcutta. We bought a mattress, pillows, lamps, and blankets, 
to fit up our carriage, as we were told not to depend on the sup- 
plies of the dak bungalows. We then sent all our boxes, except 
two portmanteaus, by bullock train, as we are only allowed 
to take a certain weight of luggage on the gharry or carriage. 

We started in a palki gharry — palanquin carriage — for the 
ferry, which we crossed in a small steamer, crowded with peo- 
ple going to the railway station — some, like ourselves, begin- 
ning their journey — and hosts of natives. We saw floating 
down the river many bodies of dead natives, all in that state 
described in the song of the '* White Lady of Avenel," which 
so terrified the poor Sacristan ; only a crow instead of a pike 
was diligently picking at the fishy, horrid-looking eyes of the 
dead bodies. The river was crowded with different vessels. 

I was quite pleased on arriving at the railway station to see 
again the engine with its long row of carriages. My husband 
here met some friends of his, a young officer and his wife, who 
had been his fellow-passengers to England the year before by 
the " overland route." They had just returned by the Cape, 
and were on their way to their station. I now saw, for the first 
time, some elephants ; for they are not allowed to come into 
Calcutta, as they frighten the horses. The railway carriages 
were very comfortable, and quite luxurious in their fittings up ; 
you could draw out a board between the seats, and so recline : 
very different from the narrow, closely-packed carriages in Eng- 
land. We enjoyed ourselves very much talking to our friends. 
My husband talked to Captain F., and I to his wife : she 
was very pretty and engaging, and I found her conversation 
most agreeable. She talked all about Indian society, and 
seemed to prefer it to what she called the " cold, formal Eng- 
lish manners !" She also gave me a great many friendly 
hints about traveling and station life. About six months after- 
ward I saw her name in the long list of Cawnpore victims. 



A lady's escape from gwalior. 115 

We passed many small stations ; at one we got out, and had 
some refreshments. If it had not been for the view from the win- 
dows, I could have fancied my self traveling from London to York. 

About five in the evening we reached Eaneegunge, 121 miles 
on our journey, and there bade adieu to all comfortable travel- 
ing ; not without a strong wish that they would soon continue 
the railway on to Agra, and so facilitate traveling, and make 
India as much like home as possible. No one can imagine the 
benefit it will be when India is traversed by this gigantic sys- 
tem of communication. The hotel was a few yards from the 
railway station ; before it stood several dak gharries, and a 
traveling carriage belonging to some officer, who preferred trav- 
eling in it to a dak gharry. 

After a bath and dinner, we all commenced packing our 
gharries. I was much amused to see how our friends packed 
theirs ; they were "up to " all manner of traveling " dodges," 
and very kindly helped us to arrange our small quarters, where 
we were to pass the night. At last we all started : about six 
gharries, one full of young officers, who seemed to enjoy the fun. 

I never saw our kind friends again ; they reached Agra be- 
fore us. Captain P. went on to the Punjaub, and his wife 
first went to stay with some friends at Delhi, and then at C awn- 
pore, so her poor husband was in uncertainty as to her fate for 
months. When he at last heard the dreadful news it nearly 
killed him. 

The drivers began to blow their shrill horns, and make the 
night echo to their wild music. The horses went a tremendous 
pace at first, but soon relaxed their speed, and required inces- 
sant flogging. We changed horses every six miles, and it was 
rather annoying to be awakened out of a sound sleep by the 
process of changing. The horses are very troublesome : at 
times they will rear, kick, plunge, back, and go through a series 
of gymnastics by no means agreeable to the occupants of the 
carriage, and disturbing all their little arrangements. 



116 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

The next morning we stopped and breakfasted at a dak 
bungalow. These bungalows have been so often described, 
that I will only say the first I saw struck me as being very 
dreary and desolate : near it were two tombstones erected to the 
memory of two unfortunate travelers, who had, I believe, died 
of cholera. Our route now lay through a rather more pic- 
turesque country. It was very dull work, however, as we could 
not read on account of the jolting ; we did try to make up a 
few Hindoostanee sentences with the aid of a dictionary, but it 
was very puzzling : my husband knew very little of the lan- 
guage, as Hindoostanee is not spoken in Burmah, and he had 
a Portuguese servant there. I always felt inclined to speak to 
the natives in German or French. 

About midnight on the second night we met with an un- 
pleasant accident. When we were both fast asleep we were 
suddenly awakened by the sensation of falling from a hight, 
which was followed by a roll over and tremendous crash. Then 
came sundry ominous bangs, caused by the horse's kicking, and 
the wails of natives. We, after some difficulty, opened the 
door, and extricated ourselves, and I mounted the bank we had 
fallen down, with my husband's help, as it was very steep. It 
was bitterly cold, and my husband threw up to me some wraps 
to cover myself with, while he picked up the kitmutghar, who 
lay groaning on the ground, declaring his leg was broken ; he 
had really hurt himself, having fallen from the top, where he 
had sat among the boxes. We foimd out that the cause of 
the accident was the driver having fallen asleep over his pipe. 
We then both set to work to scold him in Hindoostanee, and 
not being sufficiently fluent in that, had recourse to English ; 
Avhich we had been told natives disliked more, as they did not 
know what it meant 

We arrived at Benares on the 26th, and left for Agra on the 
29th, reaching Allahabad in the evening. 

The road from Allahabad to Cawnpore seemed to me the ex- 



A lady's escape fkom gwalior. 117 

treme of barrenness. We halted part of the day at Cawnpore, 
and dined at the hotel. T was much struck with the dreary, 
depressing look of the place, which seemed fitted for the cruel 
tragedies so soon to be enacted there. The cantonments ex- 
tended six miles, in the middle of a sandy plain ; and when I 
saw the long rows of black-looking barracks, the neglected 
houses, surrounded by bare mud walls, so different from those 
of Allahabad, I felt thankful that our lot was not cast in such 
a dreary waste. We met many travelers on our way, and con- 
stantly English ladies and children unaccompanied by male 
Europeans. 

We reached Agra, January 3d, and visited the Military 
Chaplain, to whom we had an introduction. He very kindly 
asked us to stay with him till we had made arrangements to 
proceed to Gwalior ; for here the dak gharry stopped, the road 
to Gwalior and Indore not being quite finished. I must here 
remark, that the Grand Trunk Road, when it is complete from 
Calcutta to the Afghan frontier, a distance of 1,500 miles, 
will be one of the best roads in the world. 

Unfortunately it rained heavily all that day, so we could not 
do any thing. Rain generally falls after Christmas in India, 
cheering and refreshing every thing, and making a pleasant 
change in the air. 

GWALIOE. 

We arrived at Gwalior at twelve o'clock on the 8th of Janu- 
ary. I was aroused from my slumbers by the dhooly being 
suddenly set down before a large white house, and was surprised 
to see a Sepoy keeping guard, and several more lying on the 
ground asleep. The door was opened, and a servant appeared, 
saying our rooms were ready, and he would prepare us some 
tea ; which was very welcome, as we had felt the cold greatly. 
I had not the comfort of smoking cigars like my husband. 
Captain and Mrs. Campbell had retired for the night, but 



118 HEROES OF THE INDIAN EEBELLION. 

sent tlieir salaam, and hoped we would make ourselves 
comfortable. 

Early next morning I was awakened by the cackling and 
screaming of poultry, and jumping up to see the cause of tlie 
excitement, beheld Mrs. Campbell, who had just returned from 
her drive, surrounded by about a hundred hens and cocks, fifty 
or sixty guinea-fowls, and ducks, geese, pigeons, and turkeys 
in like proportion, which she was feeding. About two o'clock 
I was amused, at the ringing of a bell, to see about half a 
dozen horses appear with their syces, to be fed ; then the goats 
and the fowls went through the same process : about three 
o'clock we dined. At five we drove out in a pretty carriage 
and pair to see the station. My first view was a pleasing one. 
The cantonments consisted of a row of large thatched houses 
in compounds, like pretty, gay gardens, on each side of a wide 
road bordered with trees, and about a mile long. The road had 
an English look : the people were driving and riding about, 
and the pretty, healthy -looking children — so different from those 
of Calcutta — also riding or driving in little pony-carriages. 
We passed the church, which looked exactly like an English 
one, and is very well built. 

Early next morning I walked with my husband to have a 
good survey of the church ; it was not surrounded with veran- 
das, nor had it windows down to the ground, or Venetians, or 
a flat roof, like the other churches I had seen. These omissions 
added to the beauty, but not to the coolness, so important to an 
Indian church. It was small, with open benches, and the 
chancel paved with encaustic tiles from England. The win- 
clows — though not Waile's or Hardman's — were very prettily 
painted. The pulpit was of Caen stone, and the reading-desk 
oak, with velvet cushions. On the communion-table was a 
velvet cloth, and books bound in Russian leather. There was 
an organ brought from England five years ago, but quite out of 
order. The architect was Major Vincent Eyre, of the Engineers. 



A lady's escape fkom gwaliok. 119 

On Sunday, tlie 11th, my husband had a very kind note from 
one of Sir Robert Hamilton's brothers, saying tliat he and his 
brother — also a chaplain — would be very glad to assist him in 
the service ; so the three chaplains divided the morning and 
evening services between them. The church was very well filled. 

On Monday, according to an Indian custom, my husband 
began his round of calls. The inhabitants of the station con- 
sisted of the Resident, the Brigadier, the Brigade -Major, about 
thirty officers and their families, some men belonging to the 
telegraph office, and a few sergeants and drummers, all Eu- 
ropeans : there were four native regiments of the Gwalior Con- 
tingent, the rest being stationed at Jhansi, Sepree, and one or 
two other small stations. These troops belonged to the Com- 
pany, and were officered by them, but were paid by the Maha- 
rajah of Gwalior, to whom the whole of that part of the coun- 
try belonged, though under the surveillance of political agents. 

The ladies then all called on me, and I returned their calls. 

Our first week at Gwalior was very gay, owing to the arrival 
of Sir Robert Hamilton, Agent to the Governor-General, on a 
tour ; and with him General Havelock and his staff, on their 
way to Persia. 

We went to a large dinner given by the Gwalior officers to 
Sir R. Hamilton. Though I entered the room not knowing a 
single person in it — as Mrs. Campbell, being ill, could not go — 
my Scotch descent soon made me feel among friends ; for every 
one nearly in India is Scotch or Irish : I met many of the 
former who knew my father's family in Dumfriesshire. I do 
think there were only half a dozen genuine English in the room, 
including my husband. 

The mess-house was a large bungalow, containing a fine 
dining and drawing-room, a billiard and several smaller 
rooms. 

Of course, the gentlemen outnumbered the ladies ; and all the 
former being in unform, there was nothing to contrast with tke 



120 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

gay dresses of the ladies, except a few black velvet dresses 
which some of the ladies had wisely attired themselves in. I 
was struck with the youthful look of the whole party ; very 
few had passed their "premiere jeunesse," all were nice-looking, 
and not many unmarried ; there was not one lady unmarried. 

The rooms were brilliantly lighted and prettily furnished, and 
the dinner just like an English one, for what could not be pro- 
cured in India had been brought from Europe ; including her- 
metically-sealed fruits, fish, and meats, and preserves, with cham- 
pagne, etc. The evening ended with music, singing, and games. 

A few days after my husband went to a dinner in Sir Robert 
Hamilton's tent, and was introduced to General Havelock. I 
remember — being uninitiated into such things — asking him, on 
his return, " if the tent was cold," and was told it was very 
luxurious, carpeted with thick Mirzapore carpets, and heated by 
stoves, and that the dinner reminded him somewhat of a Cam- 
bridge feast. 

Then the Resident gave Sir R. Hamilton a dinner, to which 
we all went. My husband went to a court levee, held by Sir R. 
Hamilton and the Maharajah, in the latter's palace. I need 
not give a description of the levee ; such things are well known 
now : there was the usual amount of natch girls, fire-works, 
etc., and my husband returned with a wreath of yellow jas- 
min, with which the natives always adorn their guests, and 
some packets of sweatmeats, and pawn,* and pieces of fine 
muslin scented with ottar of roses, all of which I delighted my 
ayah by giving to her. My husband said he had seen many of 
the neighboring chiefs, who had come to make their " salaam," 
and thought them fine-looking men. 

Unfortunately the Rajah was a Hindoo ; therefore, the cow 
being sacred in his eyes, we were not allowed any beef, except 
it was brought occasionally from Agra ; but the distance and 

* Pawn, a nut wrapped in a betel leaf, and chewed by the natives. 



A lady's escape from gwalioe. 121 

heat not being favorable, we seldom tasted any. We subscribed 
to " the Mntton Club," however. 

I wish the Rajah haa known what a grudge I owed him for 
this troublesome prejudice. These Hindoos are the most incon- 
sistent people : I have frequently seen them starve and ill-treat 
their sacred animals in the most heartless and cruel manner ; 
and have seen a poor bxillock in a dying state, and in such suf- 
fering, that it Avould have been a mercy, to put it out of 
misery, but no one dared. 

My husband found great amusement and occupation for a 
fortnight in taking to pieces and replacing the church organ, 
which, as I have before mentioned, was quite out of order ; a 
note could not be struck without the accompaniment of a lu- 
dicrous groaning kind of noise. He had studied a book on 
tuning, and being of a mechanical turn, and finding it hopeless 
to wait for the " tuner from Calcutta," he set to work, and got 
on very satisfactorily ; till one morning he came to meet me in 
a great state of perplexity, saying, if I did not come and help 
him, the organ would not be ready the next day — Sunday. I 
accordingly accompanied him to the church, and was very much 
astonished to see the different parts of the organ lying all about ; 
however, as he had marked all the pipes and their corresponding 
places, I had nothing to do but hand them to him, while he re- 
placed them, and soon all was accomplished to our great satis- 
faction. The next day one of the ladies played, and we ar- 
ranged a regular practicing day. Some of the ladies had been 
members of the Simla choir, which is a very good one. We 
learned some of the very best chants and hymns, which added 
much to the beauty of the service, and I flatter myself that our 
church and service might have been compared with those of any 
small church in England. The officers also were very useful 
and kind in taking parts and blowing the bellows. At last my 
husband persuaded the church-bearer, by the promise of extra 

rupees, to undertake it ; who evidently thought it was himself 

11 



122 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

who played : often, when I was practicing, he would stop sud- 
denly, and peep around the corner grinning, as if to show me 
how helpless I was without his assistance. 

At last the small house was vacated for us hy Major Mac- 
pherson, who went to Calcutta with the Maharajah. For six 
weeks we had been lookers-on, but now we gradually became 
initiated into the minutige of life at a small station. Most 
people kept from twenty to thirty servants ; those who had 
children kept a bearer or ayah for each child. We kept about 
twenty ; they cost from £100 to £200 a year, even in a station — 
and in the large towns like Calcutta they cost more — and we 
were told we should require more coolies in the hot season, to 
pull the punkahs.* We were obliged to keep a great number, 
as they will do only their own particular work ; it required 
three to cook the dinner, one to wash, one to sweep, one to 
attend to the rooms, one to sew, one for the bullocks, one for 
the fowls, one to carry water for the animals, one for the goats 
and cows, two for each horse. Besides those I mentioned we 
required in Calcutta, and a gardener, my husband had a bearer 
and I two ayahs : a high-caste woman for a lady's maid, and a 
low-caste one to do the under work. This is to gratify another 
absurd prejudice ; for the natives think you are not " correct" 
if you employ a low- caste woman about your person : a high- 
caste native won't stay in the same room with a low-caste, or 
touch or take any thing from him. A lady told me she once 
sent her matranej with a note to a Sepoy, when he commanded 
her to throw it down, as he would not " defile himself by taking 
it from her." Many people keep chiiprassees and others, to 
perform what one man would do in England, but in Madras 
and Bombay so many are not required. 



* Punkah, a large wooden board and curtain suspended from the ceiling, 
and pulled by ropes. 

f Matrane, a woman of the sweeper caste. 



A lady's escape from gwalior. 123 

We bought a share in " the Mutton Club," which is managed 
by an officer and hosts of satellites. The arrangements are as 
follows : A flock of sheep is kept, and separated into three 
divisions ; No. 1 is a lot of fresh sheep to be added to the 
others, called jungle-wallahs ;* No. 2 are grass-wallahs ; No. 3 
are grass and gram-wallahs, or those given both grass and gram 
daily, ready for killing ; so we had a plentiful supply of 
mutton — a shoulder one day, and leg the next : it was "mutton 
hot and mutton cold, mutton young and mutton old, mutton 
tough and mutton tender" every day, occasionally varied by 
fowls, fish, and game. 

It was now the middle of February, and very cool in the 
morning and evening, and not oppressively hot in the middle 
of the day ; indeed, we made all our calls from 12 o'clock to 3. 

Some of the ladies walked a great deal : I knew one or two 
who used constantly to walk quite around the "Course," four 
miles long, either morning or evening. We all wore warm 
shawls and cloth dresses, and kept good fires in our rooms. 

The station looked its best, and a walk down the road was 
very pleasant, with the fresh, fragrant gardens on each side, 
filled with sweet-scented flowers ; the magnolia, with their rich 
fragrance, and the bright scarlet blossoms of the pomegranate 
contrasting with its glossy green leaves, the soft, puffy, golden- 
colored flowers of the barbul — the " wax flower," as it is called, 
from the waxy look of its dark green leaves and white flowers — 
the Indian-scented jasmin, various sorts of roses, and a 
large flower with petals like scarlet leaves, besides mignonette, 
larkspur, and other English flowers. The native flowers have 
either an overpowering scent, or none at all. The vegetables 
were all kinds of melons, potatoes, yams, cucumbers, and 
many others, the names of which I have forgotten. The trees 
were the neem, different species of acacia, mango, guava, 

* Wallahs, fellows. 



124 HEKOES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

orange, and lime, a few bamboos — but no palms, as they do 
not grow so far north — and a tree which blossoms like a la- 
bm'nimi. These gardens were divided by green hedges. The 
bungalows were either whitewashed outside, or colored according 
to the inmates' taste ; they had no doors, as at Calcutta, but 
gates, and gravel walks : most of them wei-e occupied by pet 
animals of some kind, deer, doves, etc. 

Captain and Lieutenant Cockbourn improved their regiments 
greatly; the Meades and the Murrays went into the country to 
live in tents, and we removed to a large bungalow, surrounded 
by a gravel walk to keep off the snakes. 

Coming events now begin to cast their shadows, though the 
Sepoys, as yet, were quiet. We dine with the Meade^s, go to a 
musical party at Captain Eeason's, and begin to hear, in 
April, of unpleasant reports from other parts of India. 

THE MUTINY. 

The heat now began to be overpowering. I was awakened 
one morning by the most stifling sensation in the air, and felt 
quite ill. The ayah and bearer said the hot winds had com- 
menced. Really, I did think it was very " arg he maficJc " — 
like fire — it made your brain feel on fire, and all the blood in 
your body throb and burn like liquid fire. We drove out for a 
short time, and I was struck with the gray, lurid look of the 
sky ; the trees looked dry and withered. 

We could no longer drive round the "Course;" the only 
bearable place was the well-watered road between the houses. 
Gwalior cantonments are situated in a hollow, therefore the 
hot winds sweep over them unimpeded. 

We felt languid and weary, and every precaution was taken 
to mitigate the intense heat. We bathed many times in the 
day, and drank cooling drinks, particularly soda-water. In- 
deed, so much of this do the Europeans drink, the natives 
think it is the only water we have at home, and call it " beta- 
thee arnee " — foreign water. 



A lady's escape fkom gwalior. 125 

Mr. and Mrs. Pierson arrived during the hot weather. It 
seems strange that in the mutiny, though Mr. Pierson was not 
so well known or so much liked by his men as Major Blake, 
Captain Stuart, and Dr. Kirke, yet they not only spared him 
and his wife, but assisted them to escape. A little before this, 
a man from Calcutta arrived to take photographs, and staid 
some time. Some of these photographs were actually recov- 
ered after the mutinies, and sent into Agra. The Stuarts were 
taken in groups, and made very pretty pictures, which were 
sent home, and, I believe, arrived there safely. What a com- 
fort they must have been ! I saw several groups of Sepoys 
taken also. Many photographs were found in the room of 
horrors at Cawnpore ! 

The tempest had been brewing at Meei'ut for some time ; 
bungalows and houses were burnt, and no one knew who had 
perpetrated these flagrant acts of revolt. At last eighty-five 
troopers, having refused to fire with the cartridges supplied 
them, were sentenced to six and ten years' imprisonment. In 
spite of the sullen, defiant looks of the Sepoys, they were car- 
ried to a prison two miles off, in the native city, instead of 
being under an English gTiard. But for this, the terrible plot 
would have remained concealed till the day fixed for a simulta- 
neous rising, when, doubtless, the consequences would have 
been much more terrible than they were. All went on as 
usual till Sunday — the fatal day — the 10th of May. 

The news, by means of the telegraph, was all over India 
by the 13th ; but we then hoped it was not known to the 
natives, precautions having been taken to prevent them corre- 
sponding. It burst on us at Gwalior like a thunder-clap, and 
paralyzed us with horror. We could not help wondering how 
a plot, known to so many thousands, could so long remain 
secret, and all things go on quietly as ever. We did not see 
the terrible details till a day or two afterward, when we were 
dining with the Stuarts ; I remember our gloomy forebodings. 



126 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

and how we talked of wliat had happened. Little more than a 
month after, out of the nine people assembled together that 
night, there were only three survivors. Captain Stuart sent 
to the dS,k ofEce, at the Lushkur, for the papers, that we 
might see the list of killed and escaped, as many of us were 
iu anxious suspense about friends at Meerut. O, what a num- 
ber of people have been cut off in the full pride and vigor of 
youth in these fearful mutinies ! "What happy homes have 
been desolated and hearts broken ! The particulars of the 
Delhi and Meerut mutinies are now too well known ; I will 
not dwell on them ; but think how we must have heard of 
them at Gwalior ! 

Martial law was now proclaimed in the Meerut district, and 
Sir Henry Lawrence sent the following telegraphic message to 
the Governor-General: "All is quiet here, but affairs are 
critical. Get every European you can from China, Ceylon, 
and elsewhere ; also all the Goorkas from the hills ; time is 
every thing." 

On the 17th, the whole Contingent was paraded to hear the 
Government proclamation, which was read by Brigadier Eam- 
sey, who also addressed them. This he could do very well, as 
he knew the language perfectly. Captain Pearson and Lieu- 
tenant Cockbourn left Gwalior with half the cavalry and artil- 
lery regiments. Captain Campbell left also for Agra in com- 
mand of the Rajah's body-guard. 

Major Macpherson now took up his abode in the canton- 
ments. We went one day to dine with him, and I was 
introduced to the Maharajah Scindiah, who happened to be 
there. I have a distinct recollection, when he shook hands 
with me, of his limp cold hand — just like all natives. From 
that time the Rajah used frequently to come to the canton- 
ments to see Major Macpherson. 

I can never forget the fearful gloom of that month ; but as 



A lady's escape from gwalior. 127 

our feelings are better described in my own and my husband's 
letters home, I will here insert some of them. 

" Gtvalior, Saturday, Mat 16, 1857. 

" I write to you to-day, although the mail does not leave 
Bombay till the 28th, because there is no knowing now how 
long the road between this and Bombay will be open for the 
passage of the mails. The country north of Agra is in a 
dreadful state. You will probably have heard of mutiny and 
disaffection having shown itself in some native regiments near 
Calcutta, in consequence of which some men -were hung, and 
one whole native regiment and part of another were dis- 
banded — apparently the severest punishment the Government 
dared to inflict. Well, it appears now that there has been an 
attempt at conspiracy for a general rising throughout the 
country. It is known that it was intended to rise upon all the 
Europeans and murder them. And now the insurrection has 
broken out at Lucknow, Meerut, and Delhi, and other places, 
where there are no European regiments, the English are, of 
course, entirely at the mercy of the brutal, treacherous native 
soldiers ; and, as you see, it has been only the presence of two 
English regiments at Meerut that has saved any of the Euro- 
peans. Of course we are alarmed here. There are only 
about twenty English officers, with their wives and children, 
in the station, and about five thousand native troops, so that 
we are entirely at their mercy. Already half of our native 
cavalry and half of the artillery have been sent to Agra, and 
these were far more to be trusted than the infantry who remain. 
Even the Rajah's body-guard has gone to Agra. There is an 
English regiment at Agra, but there are many native regi- 
ments, three thousand cut-throats in the gaol, and a hostile 
population ; so that they would have little chance against so 
many enemies. And, positively, the Governor has called up 
all the native regiments, and told them if they do not like the 



128 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

service, they are at liberty to leave it without molestation. 
Fancy sucli a course as this when a rising is feared throughout 
the country. 

" I do not think that our lives are safe for a moment. 0, 
how gladly would I send off my wife to England, or even to 
Agra, this moment, if I could ! The insurgents, of course, 
will be increasing every day, and, if they come here, the native 
soldiers have as good as told their officers that they will not 
resist them — ' they will not fight against their brethren ;' and it 
would not be simply death to fall into their hands. 

" This is God's punishment upon all the weak tampering 
with idolatry and flattering vile superstitions. The Sepoys have 
been allowed to have their own way as to this and that thing 
which they pretended was part of their religion, and so have 
been spoiled and allowed to see that we were frightened of 
them. And now no one can tell what will be the end of it. 
There is no great general to put things right by a bold stroke. 
We shall all be cut up piecemeal. Instead of remaining to 
have our throats cut, we ought to have gone to Agra long ago, 
or toward Bombay ; and all the European regiments should 
have been drawn together, and every native regiment that 
showed the least sign of disaffection at once destroyed, or at 
least driven away : for, as a leading article in the Agra paper 
of this morning observes, what native regiment can now be 
trusted ? I would leave for Bombay at once, but it would be 
death to be exposed even for an hour to the sun. What to do 
I know not. The officers, of course, dare not stir one step, but 
I wonder they do not contrive some plan for sending the ladies 
and children up to Agra, or to some place where there are Eng- 
lish troops. There is gloom on the few English faces and a 
scowl upon the face of every native already. This letter will 
certainly make you very anxious about us. Sarah happily is 
all safe, being near Calcutta ; but I hope you will get a more 
favorable account from me inclosed with this, or, at least, hear 



A lady's escape from gwaltor. 129 

that we are in some place of safety. I would send my wife oif 
at once if I had the chance. The possibility even of our fall- 
ing into the hands of these demons is horrible 

" G. W. CoOPLAND. 

" P. S. It is dreadfully hot here ; every thing is like iire." 

" GwALiOR, May 19, 1857. 

" I shall Avrite to you some time before the mail will leave 
Bombay, but in the very unsettled state of the country, and the 
dak being stopped, it is better not to lose any time. You will 
know what dreadful times we live in, when we can not be sure 
of our lives for a day, and live in a state of constant anxiety 
and dread. You will perhaps have seen in the papers that 
there have been riots in India. The insurgents are now spread- 
ing themselves all over. Nothing has yet been heard of the 
ofiScers, their wives, and families, at Delhi. The rebels have 
set up a king and a judge there. They seem to have chosen the 
best time for rebelling, when the hot weather is commencing, 
and it would be dangerous for the European troops to be ex- 
posed to it. All the regiments from the Hills are being ordered 
down to reinforce Delhi, Meerut, and other important stations ; 
but it will be long before any thing can be done, as no reliance 
can be placed on the native troops. 

" Here the troops say they won't fight against their brethren. 
The artillery and cavalry have left here for Agra, together 
Avith the Maharajah's body-guard, which Captain Campbell 
has the temporary command of. There are only about thirty 
Englishmen in this station, and the native troops are not the 
least to be depended upon. They would most likely take part 
with the insxirgents, of whom there must now be a great num- 
ber ; and they will soon be joined by all who hate the English. 
The insubordination in our own servants is most remarkable. 
They look as if they would like to cut our throats. The life 
we lead is quite miserable ; the heat before was bad enough to 



130 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

bear, tut now it is dreadful, when you live in fear of your life. 
Here we are in the midst of a lot of savages — for most of them 
are nothing better — seventy miles from any European regi- 
ment, and the insurgents are not far from us. They attacked 
a small station between here and Agra, and nearly murdered an 
officer. They murder people in the most cold-blooded way. 
At Agra there are 3,000 cut-throats in the gaol, very badly 
guarded, and if they were let out, what would be the conse- 
quences ? 

" I wish we were safe at home. George has his rifle in 
readiness. All night long we are only separated by a thin 
piece of wood from our coolies who pull the punkahs, and who 
would not hesitate to cut our throats if they had the chance. 

" We do not know from day to day what Avill happen. 
Captain Campbell gave his wife a brace of loaded pistols before 
he left her, so you may fancy the state we live in. I hope we 
shall soon hear better news when the English troops meet the 
rebels ; but they will never be able to stand the heat, as they 
are only invalided troops from the hills. Poor Sarah Money — 
formerly Menteath — had to part from her husband not a month 
after their marriage, as his regiment was ordered against the 
rebels. R. M. Coopland." 

" GwALiOE, May 22, 1857. 
" I have already sent off a letter for you, for the mail which 
is to leave Bombay on May 28th, giving you an account of the 
dreadful rebellion that has broken out in India. I am very 
sorry that I have no better news to give you now ; we are still 
in great uncertainty and danger. Nothing of course is heard 
from Delhi, which is still in the hands of the rebels ; and it is 
to be feared that many of the Europeans who were there when 
the rebellion broke out have been massacred. I gave you before 
the names of some that have been murdered there, and nothing 
further has been heard. *> 



A lady's escape from gwalior. 131 

" It is a dreadful time for Europeans to have to move down 
into the plains ; but, of course, it was necessary to strike a blow 
at once. 

" We hear that the Commander-in-chief is already on his 
way to Delhi with three European regiments, cavalry and 
artillery, and two or three native regiments that are supposed 
to be yet faithful ; and it is said that native troops will be 
found sufficiently trustworthy from stations near Delhi to help 
in surrounding and investing it. It will be long even before 
they reach it, so we shall have to wait to know our fate, and 
the fate, apparently, of English empire in India. It seems that 
the massacre at Meerut was frightful ; and though there were 
two English regiments in the station, the natives succeeded in 
murdering a large number of their officers, and many women and 
children. But we have heard nothing certain. The mutineers 
from Meerut and other places have already spread themselves 
over the country, and just now something terrible has happened 
at Etawah, a small station only about forty miles to the east of 
this place, for a whole regiment has been hurried away thither 
from here this morning. It is to be hoped that they will be 
faithful. They are all natives, and have only three English 
officers. 

" We get no newspapers, and as I, of course, am not ad- 
mitted to military consultations here, the only news we get is 
by chance conversation, or by my writing to the Brigade- 
Major, or some other officer, and asking what is going on. 

" You know that we are not in English dominions, but in 
those of the Eajah of Gwalior. Happily he remains faithful 
to the English, at least so far, and in appearance, though now 
no one can tell what native is to be trusted. 

"The weather is now dreadfully close and hot, though they 
say that the extreme heat has not yet set in. 

" The change in the behavior of all servants and natives 
is wonderful, since the disturbances broke out. All are insolent, 



132 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

no longer like submissive slaves, but as if they were very for- 
bearing in not at once murdering you ; and tbe people eye us, 
when we drive out, in the most sinister and malicious way. 

"G. W. COOPLAND." 

" GwALioE, May 23. 

" I write again, as I think you may oe anxious to know how- 
things go on. 

" We are all in a very anxious and dreadful position ; for 
what must be a decisive blow to this dreadful conspiracy, is 
now going on at Delhi. A large force of English troops have 
reached Delhi, and are to commence operations to-day. The 
last mail from Agra, which came in to-day, brought woi'd that 
the rebels had taken Allyghur, where there is a treasury, and so 
had got possession of a large amount of money, and had 
stopped the communication with the Punjaub ; so that now we 
can know nothing certain of the state of things there, and can 
only hope that the Sepoys will remain faithful there ; for if they 
join the rebels, all is lost. The fate of India will be decided 
in two or three days — perhaps is deciding now. There are 
supposed to be seven thousand Sepoys, all trained by the 
English, in possession of Delhi ; and it is now believed they 
have a large number of English officers prisoners, whom they 
have not yet murdered. Our fate depends upon the result at 
Delhi ; the slightest failure will be the signal for revolt and 
massacre among all the native troops throughout the country. 
Of course here, as every-where else, there is the most anxious 
expectation. There are now only ten English officers in the 
station, with many ladies and children, and in the midst of 
native troops ready to break out at a moment's notice, and are 
only waiting to see what happens at Delhi. We hope that 
Agra is safe, as our own lot depends, in a great measure, upon 
it. There is great fear, if Delhi is not taken, of the insurgents 
coming here, as Gwalior is on their way, and the atrocities they 



A lady's escape from gwalior. 133 

commit are fearful to think of. The insurgents have burned 
down a railway station-house not very far from Calcutta, so it 
will be very difficult to get there now ; they have also burned 
down a large hospital at Agra. The rebels intend to make 
terms, by means of the prisoners, with the English who are 
now besieging Delhi. One young officer did a very brave 
thing — he blew up a place containing firearms of all sorts. It 
is supposed he blew himself up with it, as nothing has been 
since heard of him. You have no idea of the gloom here ; 
people seldom go out of their houses, and all look as if they 
expected some dreadful calamity. We dined last night with 
the Stuarts. Several officers w'ere there, and they all spoke 
most doubtfully of things, and said, if a decisive blow was not 
struck at Delhi, it would be all over with the English. 

" It will be dreadful work for the regiments to have forced 
mai'ches in these scorching winds. We have no news from the 
Pimjaub, as the dak is stopped. Things have been in a very 
unsettled state at Peshawur for some time ; they killed an 
officer who was out of cantonments lately. This is worse than 
the Santal rebellion, as it is among the Company's own ti'oops. 
Some of the native regiments that left here are now at Delhi. 
Some of the officers I met last night said they had observed the 
insolent manner of the Sepoys here for some time. 

"R. M. COOPLAND, 

*'P. S. Before I write again, I hope to have better news for 
you ; if not, there is no knowing if we shall be alive." 

" GwALioR, June 2. 

" I am very sorry to say that the aspect of things is not at 
all more favorable now, and we ourselves have been during the 
last few days in the midst of the greatest alarm and trouble, 

" The rebellion continues to spread all around us, and has 
broken out, it is to be feared, even in the Punjaub ; but we do 
not hear much, and that very irregularly, since, in many places, 



134 HEROES OP THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

the post roads and telegraphs are in the possession of the 
rebels, and where it is open the Government keep it to them- 
selves, and seein to hide the real state of things as much as 
possible from the people. But we know that at Etawah — per- 
haps sixty or seventy miles from us — the houses of the officers 
have been pillaged and burned down, and the treasury carried 
off; the same has been done at Mynpoorie, a considerable sta- 
tion between Agra and Cawnpore. The insurgents are all over 
the country, plundering and murdering as they please. Nothing 
has yet been heard from Delhi, every thing being in the hands 
of many thousands of rebels, who have got possession of 
treasure, it is said, to the amount of between half a million and 
a million of rupees, besides the property that they have got in 
Delhi, which was a very wealthy city. It was expected that 
the Commander-in-chief would have made an attack upon 
Delhi a week ago, and now that nothing is heard of him, we 
are almost in despair ; either he is panic-struck, or the native 
troops we trusted have turned traitors, or he has been defeated, 
or cholera has broken out among his troops. And every thing 
depends upon his success ; if he is defeated, we shall all go at 
once. It is terrible to watch how fear has gradually come over 
the Government. First, there was a proclamation promising 
speedy extermination to all rebels, saying that English troops 
were gathering from all quarters, and that vengeance would 
soon overtake their enemies. Now, to our shame and humilia- 
tion, a proclamation has appeared, declaring that every Sepoy 
who has taken part in this rebellion will be allowed to go to 
his home in peace on giving up his arms at the nearest station ; 
that is, offering entire impunity to the wi'etches that have mur- 
dered and treated with every outrage our women and children, 
and devastated every thing with fire and sword. 

" But now to come to ourselves. Two regiments and the 
cavalry having been lately sent off to other places, there are 
now here two regiments of infantry, two companies of artil- 



A lady's escape from gwalior. 135 

lery, and perhaps a hundred cavalry. The English community 
consists now of eleven officers, mostly with wives and children, 
three surgeons, the wives and families of four officers that have 
been sent off with their regiments, and four sergeants with 
wives and children. Well, it seems that on Wednesday last, 
and during Thursday, the most dreadful reports kept coming in 
to the brigadier, the political agent, and some other officers 
secretly, that the whole of the troops here were to rise simulta- 
neously on Thursday evening, at eleven o'clock, and burn 
down all our houses and murder us ; of course none of these 
reports ever reached us, and about half-past five on Thursday 
evening Captain Murray came rushing into our house, and 
asked to see me alone. He told me that he had been sent by 
the Brigade-Major to inform me that the troops were going to 
rise at eleven o'clock that night, and make wholesale burning 
and slaughtering ; that every woman and child either had fled, 
or must at once make off to the Residency — a large house be- 
tween seven and eight miles off, where the political agent at the 
Court of Gwalior lives ; and that I must drive my wife over 
there in our buggy, since arrangements had been made for the 
occupation of all carriages in the station. It was of the ut- 
most importance that our flight should be made unobserved ; 
we must wait till the usual time of our evening drive, and pre- 
tending that we were going out as usual, must slip off on the 
road to the Residency ; we must not take any thing with us, for 
fear of exciting suspicion. 

" This was all said in a few moments, and the officer hurried 
away. You may imagine our feelings, not knowing how many 
had escaped, nor whether we should succeed in doing so, or 
should be stopped on the road. We hastily dressed, and or- 
dered our buggy to be ready, not without many fears that per- 
haps the groom had run away, or the horse would be found 
lame ; we took each a night-dress, gave a last look at our nice 
drawing-room, favorite books, etc., and my wife played on her 



136 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

piano, probably for the last time, and then about half-past six 
we got into our buggy and drove off, lea^dng our money and 
every thing we had, just as if we were going out for our cus- 
tomary evening drive. I first drove down the station, thinking 
to avoid suspicion, and then drove into Mrs. Campbell's com- 
pound, to ask if she had gone. We found that she had gone 
early that morning, and so, thinking there was no time to lose, 
turned down the road toward our place of refuge. We had at 
once to pass a long bridge guarded by soldiers, and there feared 
we should be stopped ; but happily they let us pass, and we got 
clear out upon the road. The road was frightfully bad, in 
some places covered by gullies, and I had never been that way 
before, so that as darkness came on, and we were obliged to 
depend on the directions of any passing natives, we were 
not a little uncomfortable, and began at last to think — such 
was the wild, desolate look of the surrounding country — that 
we were being entrapped. At last we reached a large encamp- 
ment of Mahratta horse and infantry surrounding a large stone 
house, which we were glad to find was to be our place of refuge. 
" I have not time to give you a minute description of all that 
occurred here. You must imagine thirteen ladies, almost all 
Avith one or two children, and four sergeants' wives with their 
children, crowded together, having just left their husbands, as 
they supposed, in the greatest danger, and expecting that their 
houses, and all that they had, would in a few hours be in flames, 
and a birth and death both expected to happen any time ; no 
beds, no change of dress, and suffocatingly hot ; and then an 
order that every one should be ready to start at a moment's 
notice, for perhaps we might have to hurry off toward Agra. 
The political agent, a son of one of our officers, and an invalid 
soldier, were the only white men present. You must imagine 
what a night we passed, entirely in the hands of the Rajah's 
troops, and expecting to hear the officers that might have 
survived come galloping in with news that all was over. 



A lady's escape from gwalior. 137 

" But news came at last that the officers had gone among 
their men, and that the dreadful hour was passed, and no out- 
break had been made ; and then that the officers were sleeping 
among the lines, and the artillery officers and the Brigadier be- 
fore the guns, so that it was supposed that the storm had passed 
for the present — to burst out on another opportunity. Early 
in the morning we were told that the Rajah had intimated that 
he could not afford troops to guard us at that distance ; we 
must come down to one of his palaces. Of course we were 
obliged to submit ; and before long the natives of Grwalior 
crowded to a sight such as never had been seen in their streets 
before — fifteen or sixteen carriages dashing through, sur- 
rounded by hundreds of wild Mahratta horsemen, and filled 
with English ladies and children. A gallop of four or five 
miles, through the heat and dust, brought us to the Rajah's 
palace. 

" After waiting some time in the court-yard, we were con- 
ducted up a long flight of steps to the top of one part of the 
palace, which we were afterward informed was near the Rajah's 
harem. Such misery I have seldom seen — poor little children 
crying, ladies half dead with heat and fatigue, some in tears ; 
nothing to defend us from the heat ; one mother weeping over 
a child supposed to be dying, without medical aid or necessaries 
of any kind. The Rajah, however, did what he could — sent in 
some old English chairs and a table which he happened to pos- 
sess, and two or three native beds ; and even had frames, filled 
with thorns, put in where there wei"e no windows, in order that 
water might be thrown upon them to keep us cooler. The heat, 
however, was terrific, and we began to think how many such 
days it would be possible to survive. 

"As night came on, a few native beds were brought in, and, 

as far as they went, assigned to the different ladies. The 

excitement in the native city below us was immense — the 

people crowding round the palace and gathering on the tops 

12 



138 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

of the neighboring houses to get a glimpse of the English 
prisoners. 

" An immense number of troops was brought up to guard us, 
and large cannon without end. 

" After another miserable night — I never got water to wash 
m^y face, or changed my linen — my wife, happily for her, shared 
a bed with another lady this night — we were told a messenger 
had arrived from the Brigadier, to the effect that we were to 
return at once to the station. 

" It appeared that the men had determined to remain faithful 
for the present, and that the native officers had gone to the Brig- 
adier, and explained that they were offended at the departure 
of the ladies, and at their being placed under the care of the 
Rajah ; that their men would remain faithful, and we had noth- 
ing to fear. 

"About 6 o'clock, A.M., we bade farewell to the Rajah's 
palace, and reached our houses again about seven, finding all 
just as we had left it. This was Saturday morning, and here 
we are still, Tuesday morning; but our condition is very pitia- 
ble. We are here only on sufferance ; our masters are always 
around us : we have to be obliged to them for not burning down 
our houses and massacring us. How can we trust one of 
them, when we know that regiments just like them have been 
guilty of every enormity ? How gladly should I find myself 
with my Avife on board an English steamer ! but we can not 
escape now, the roads are unsafe, even if the climate spared us. 
If a great blow is not struck soon at Delhi, all will go. The 
Governor of Agra is most anxious that the news of our alarm 
here should not reach Agra, fearing the effects of it there, 
though they have one English regiment. Where this will end 
no one can tell. 

" The country is no longer ours, but in the hands of Sepoys ; 
and our lives, and all we have, too. I hope you will all com- 
passionate us, and think about us ; and if it is not too late, I 



A lady's escape from gwalior. 139 

hope England will not leave us to be massacred with impunity, 
but send troops to save us : though, perhaps, all will be over 
before they reach us. G. W. Coopland. 

"P. S. Wednesday morning, June 3c?. — Worse news still. 
We depended upon Agra, and now we hear that the European 
regiment there has had to set upon the two native i-egiments, 
and disarm them : what the 1,600 villains let loose will do, we 
can not tell. No news from Delhi ; every one asks what the 
Commander-in-chief can be about? There are also fears about 
the native troops at Allahabad ; and if they took the fort there, 
they Avould get, it is said, 30,000 or 40,000 stand of arms. 
Enough to arm the whole country against us." 

*' GrWALioE, June 11. 
. . . " You will be anxious to hear how things are going 
on. Well, first of all, I must tell you that the good news of 
the fall of Delhi has just now come to us by telegraph from 
Agra. We have heard no particulars, and only know that 
Delhi was taken on the 8th, and that arrangements wei'e being 
made for leveling the whole place to the ground. When I 
wrote to you last, I said that we were all wondering what had 
become of the Commander-in-chief and his army, and hoping 
soon to hear of his arrival before Delhi. Well, next morning 
news came that he had died of cholera at Kurnaul. Since then, 
up to this morning, each day has brought us intelligence of 
some additional disaster. First, we heard that at Lucknow, 
where encomiums had been delivered by the authorities on the 
loyalty of the troops, every thing was in disorder, the city burnt 
down, the troops in open mutiny. Next, that the same was 
occurring throughout the Punjaub, at Mean Meer, Ferozepore, 
and other places ; that even in Peshawur it had become neces- 
sary to disarm the native troops ; that at Umballa all the native 
troops had mutinied, and been cut up by the Europeans coming 
down from the hills. Next came news of an alarm from Simla, 



140 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

where invalids, ladies, and children are assembled in multitudes, 
having gone up to escape the heat of the plains. The native 
troops had proposed terms to these poor creatures, on which 
they were to be spared. Hundreds had been crowded for safety 
into some magazine, or building of the kind, without beds or 
any other comfort. Several ladies had lost their intellects 
through terror ; some had escaped on foot into the jungles ; 
many had fled into Dugshai and Kussowlie, and there cholera 
had broken out among them. Another day informed us that 
all the native troops at Bareilly had mutinied, and that the 
whole district of Rohilcund was up in arms. Then came word 
that in our own neighborhood, at Ajmere and Nusseerabad, the 
whole of the native troops had risen and carried off' the artillery 
toward Delhi, thoiigh there was a European regiment present, 
and that several officers of this regiment had fallen in a fight 
with them. 

** Then we heard worse news, that at Neemuch the same 
tragedy had been enacted, and that all the troops there had 
mutinied, including even one regiment of this Gwalior Con- 
tingent. 

" This last news has been carefully kept secret, since it was 
feared that the troops here might be shaken when they heard 
of the defection of one of their own regiments ; this Contin- 
gent having, up to this time, remained sound. 

" On Sunday night last we were alarmed by loud shouting, 
and on going out I found the roads full of artillery and native 
troops, making off toward Jhansi, a neighboring station, where 
the troops had risen and carried off" the treasury, the officers 
and their families having fled into the fort. They went out 
some distance, but were recalled the same evening, it being 
feared that they would not face the rebels at Jhansi. 

" Since then we have been in great donbt and uncertainty, 
not knowing that the next hour might not bring a like car 
lamity on ourselves. As yet the men here remain quiet, but we 



A lady's escape from gwalior. 141 

are altogether at their mercy. They do almost what they like ; 
lie down while on guard, langh at us, and seem to enjoy the 
consternation and looks of constraint and uneasiness that are 
plainly visible among us. The least hope of success at Delhi 
would have set all into a flame. You may imagine our peace 
of mind has not been very great, receiving, as we have 
done, every day fresh details of horrible outrages and mas- 
sacres. 

" Some time ago we heard very bad news from Calcutta. 
The fort there — Fort William — the bulwark of India, with all 
its stores, arsenals, and magazines, was within a hair's breadth 
of falling into the hands of the traitors. If it had not been 
for the loyalty of one native officer, who divulged the plot, the 
fort would have been seized by mutineers, and the whole cap- 
ital of India would have fallen into their hands. We after- 
ward heard that there had been a panic in Calcutta. Multi- 
tudes had fled on board the shipping in the river, arms had 
been served out to all Europeans, volunteers were being en- 
rolled, and even the French were preparing to assist against 
the enemy. But now we can not hear what may be the fate of 
Calcutta, or even Allahabad and Cawnpore ; all the country 
toward Calcutta and the trunk road being in the possession of 
the traitors, and every dak and telegraph being destroyed, even 
as far as Mynpoorie, near Agra. I hope you will have good 
news from Benares. I think they are as safe there as any where. 
English troops have been sent up there, and as this is completely 
a Mohammedan rising, there is not much to be feared from the 
Hindoos of Benares — who are, moreover, cowardly, unwarlike 
Bengalese. However, I believe, we are all in the greatest 
danger. The European troops in India are very few, and 
almost incapable of acting in weather like this, and the worst 
season is coming. If cholera becomes general at Delhi, no 
one can tell what will befall them, and it will be six months 
before an army can be sent out from England. There are, I 



142 HEROES OF THE INDIAN EEBELLION. 

think, seventy-one native Bengal regiments, forming an army 
of between fifty thousand and sixty thousand men. 

" Between twenty and thirty regiments have already muti- 
nied, and every-where the natives are ready to rise against us. 
In fact, it is the villagers that, in many places, have committed 
the worst outrages. The English officers and their families are 
scattered all over the country, at innumerahle little stations. 
In this weather it is almost impossible to move, and if they 
could move they must abandon all their houses and property. 
Probably, too, they are afraid to move, because, on the least 
appearance of their abandoning the country, the whole popula- 
tion would rise behind them. They can not move either with- 
out the orders of their superiors. Even though Delhi is taken, 
I do not see how the small European force that we have will be 
able to stand against the daily-increasing hordes of rebels. 
Even at Seepree, the next station to this, the regiment is 
insubordinate or disaffected. This, with Jhansi and Neemuch, 
which I spoke of before, are out-stations which I have to 
visit. 

" The detailed accounts of the massacres at Meerut and 
Delhi are most horrible. At Delhi a large number of gentle- 
men — including some civilians and the chaplain — and ladies 
had taken refuge in the palace of the old native king. The 
rebels, raving like demons, tore them out, one after another, 
and murdered them deliberately, and then dragged their bodies 
about the streets. The escapes of some, after wandering in 
the jungles and hiding there for days, are most wonderful. 
One family escaped in a carriage, having shot down several 
times the rebels who tried to stop them. In many places the 
regiments have first murdered their officers ; in some cases not 
one has survived. In one instance the commanding officer 
committed suicide. 

" I hope, now Delhi is taken, things will take a turn for the 
better. The mail does not leave Bombay, I believe, till the 



A lady's escape from gwalior. 143 

27111, so that I shall be able, all well, to send you another letter 
about the 20th Gr. W. Coopland." 

THE ESCAPE. 

The day after my husband wrote this letter — the last he ever 
wrote — the news came that Delhi had not been taken ; it was a 
mistake in the telegram. What it cost us to bear this dreadful 
reverse, and give up this last hope, I can not tell. We were 
again plunged into uncertainty as to our fate ; for Ave felt that 
the Sepoys would no longer keep quiet when they heard of 
failure. Our last hope of escape was now cut off, as a tele- 
gram arrived from Mr. Colvin, the Lieutenant-Governor at 
Agra, to say that the ladies and children were not to be sent 
into Agra till the mutiny really broke out at Gwalior. Before 
this my husband had often wished to send me to Agra ; but 
he would not desert his post, and I would not leave him. I 
have often thought since that had I done so, he might have 
escaped by riding off unimpeded by me, many unmarried 
officers having escaped in this way. When the mutinies first 
began, if all the ladies and children at the numerous small 
stations had been instantly sent away to Calcutta, or some 
place of safety, before the roads were obstructed, their hus- 
bands and fathers would, probably, have had a better chance 
of escape — instead of which, the lives of men, women, and 
children were sacrificed through the efforts to avoid arousing 
the suspicions of the troops. 

Gwalior was one of the worst places in India to effect an 
escape from. The houses were in rows, on each side of a long 
road, a mile in length ; behind them, on one side, were the 
lines of the cavalry and artillery, and branching off from them 
were the lines of the infantry regiments. On the other side, 
behind the houses, was the nullah.* The only people who 

* Nullah, a river stream. 



144 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

escaped on tlie night of the 14tli lived on this side. On the first 
alarm they instantly rushed across the Nullah. Had the guards 
of their houses resisted their escape, nothing could have saved 
them ; had soldiers been placed there to stop them, it would 
have been useless to attempt it ; but for the first ten minutes 
the nullah was left unguarded. Our house was some distance 
from the nullah, and we had not been long enough in Grwalior 
to know the locality exactly. Besides, almost immediately 
after the alarm, the banks of the nullah were lined with Se- 
poys, hunting for those who had already crossed. I believe 
the Brigadier lay hidden under the bridge while they were pass- 
ing over it and searching for him. 

At one end of the long street was a small bazar, the natives 
of which were instantly up in arms. Our house was near this 
end of the street, and at the opposite end was a cemetery, a 
parade-ground, and gaol. At the back of the houses and 
lines were the cavalry-stacks, the course, the magazine, and a 
small place where elephants were kept. 

I got a lett'er from one of my cousins, saying that they had 
all been obliged to escape by riding from Simla to Kussowlie ; 
it was a long distance ; and my imcle, who had been very ill, 
was greatly exhausted by riding so far in the sun. They were 
also very much alarmed about their brother at Peshawur, the 
Punjaub being in such an unsettled state. 

I was much struck with the conduct of our servants — they 
grew so impertinent. My ayah evidently looked on all my 
property as her share of the plunder. When I opened my 
dressing-case, she would ask me questions about the ornaments, 
and inquire if the tops of the scent-bottles were real silver ; and 
she always watched where I put my things. One evening, on 
returning from our drive, we heard a tremendous quarreling 
going on between the Sepoys of our guard and the ayah and 
kitmutghar. They were evidently disputing about the spoil ; 
and it afterward turned out that the Sepoys got quite masters. 



A LADY'S ESCAPE FROM GWALIOR. 145 

and would not let the servants share any of the plunder, but 
kept them prisoners, and starved and ill-treated them. They 
had much better have remained faithful to us, and have helped 
us to escape ; instead of which, at the first shot, they vanished, 
and began to plunder what they could. My husband overheard 
the punkah coolies outside talking about us, and saying that 
these Feringhis* would soon have a different home, and they 
would then be masters ; and that the Feringhis were quite 
different in the cool weather, but were now such poor creatures 
as to require to be punkahed and kept cool, I could not help 
fancying they might have made us punkah and fan them, so 
completely were we in their power. 

During this week the bunian,f who supplied us with grain 
for the cattle and other things, the church-bearer, and the school- 
master, all came to be paid at once ; they said they were going 
to take all their property to the Lushkur. This looked as if 
mischief was brewing. 

Letters came from home full of news about the Manchester 
Exhilfition, tours in Scotland, and all sorts of pleasures. Of 
course, our friends knew nothing then of the state of misery we 
were in. 

Our last consolation was now taken away, for the telegraph 
between us and Agra was destroyed, and we were dependent 
upon rumor for intelligence. We heard dreadful reports from 
Jhansi, but could not ascertain the extent of the calamity there. 
An order appeared for a regiment to hold itself in readiness for 
marching, and the guard returned from the Residency, for the 
Rajah gave Major Macpherson a guard. 

Major Blake was constantly consulting with the Brigadier as 
to what was to be done. We went to call on the Blakes, and 
heard from Mrs. Raikes, who was staying there — her husband 



* Feringhis, English — Europeans. 

t Bunian, shopkeeper, trader in grain, etc. 

13 



146 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

being at Agra — that their house had been burned down, at one 
of the out-stations ; though it was thought not by the Sepoys. 

On Friday and Saturday we heard nothing ; and we lived in 
a state of dread uncertainty. My husband seldom undressed at 
night, and I had a dress always ready to escape in. My hus- 
band's riiie was kept loaded — I learned to load and fire it — as 
we were determined not to die without a struggle. ! the 
misery of those days ! None but the condemned criminal can 
know what it is to wait death passively ; and even he is not 
kept in suspense, and knows he will be put to a merciful end. 

I well remember one Saturday night — the last night we spent 
in our own house — we were kept awake by the ominous sound 
of the maistree* making a coffin for a poor little child that was 
to be buried early the following morning. My husband rose at 
half-past four, as the funeral was at five. The ayah was par- 
ticularly attentive in her manner to me, and began pitying the 
poor "mem sahib," saying, "How she will grieve now her 
baby is dead !" She stood at the window watching, and telling 
me all that was going on. 

When the buggy returned for me, I drove to church, and 
found service had begun. I passed many Sepoys idling about 
the road — as is usual on Sunday. They all saluted me ; but I 
thought I observed a treacherous look on their faces. I won- 
dered they did not attack us when we were in church, and heard 
afterward that they were very sorry they did not. The church 
was well attended, and we afterward received the holy com- 
mimion. Singular that we should all meet for the last time at 
such a solemn service ! 

While walking in the garden, before going to church, when 
my husband was at the funeral of Captain Murray's little baby, 
I saw about a hundred sowars ride past the back of our house ; 
they rode quietly in, all wrapped in long cloaks. I can not 

* Maistree, carpenter. 



A lady's escape from gwaltor. 147 

help thinking they were the mutinous sowars of Captain Alex- 
ander's party, returned to join in the outbreak. 

After breakfast we bathed and dressed, and while my hus- 
band was resting, and I playing one of Mozart's "Masses," 
we heard a tremendous noise in our garden. After waiting a 
little time to see if it would cease, my husband went out, and 
found one or two Sepoys again disputing with our servants. 
He ordered them to be quiet ; but it was of no use ; they did not 
now care even to keep up appearances. At last they settled the 
dispute among themselves ; and for two hours we had perfect 
silence — not a sound was heard ; it was a dread, foreboding 
stillness. I read the lines, " While drooping sadness infolds 
us here like mist," in the " Christian Year," and felt comforted. 
I afterward recovered that very book. 

My husband laid down, and tried to get a little sleep, he was 
so worn-out. He had just before been telling me the particu- 
lars of the Jhansi massacre, too frightful to be repeated ; and 
we did not know how soon we might meet the same fate our- 
selves. 

I hope few will know how awful it is to wait quietly for 
death. There was now no escape ; and we waited for our 
death-stroke. The dread calm of apprehension was awful. 
We indeed drank the cup of bitterness to the dregs. The 
words " death in life, the days that are no more," kept re- 
curring to my memory like a dirge. But God helps us in all 
our woes ; otherwise we could not have borne the horrible 
suspense. 

Silence still reigned, and I was again reading home letters — 
one from my sister on her wedding tour — when in rushed some 
of the servants, calling out that the little bungalow where we 
had formerly lived was on fire, and that the wind was blowing 
the flames in our direction. Something must be done, as the 
sparks were being blown all about : the "1st" N. I. were very 
active in either putting out — or increasing — the flames. All 



148 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

the residents began to take the furniture out of their houses and 
pour water on the roofs ; and my husband, at the head of our 
servants, instantly took similar precautions with our house. 
The heat was dreadful, the wind high, and the mess-house was 
soon also a mass of flames. Every one who has seen a great 
fire in a village may imagine what a sight it was. The road 
was crowded, the air filled with smoke, and I heard the crack- 
ling and roaring of the flames : it was a great contrast to the 
dead calm that had reigned before ; but scarcely more awful. 
While my husband was busily assisting the men, who were 
running about with water, and using the fire-engine, to my 
astonishment I found the ayah making bundles of my clothes, 
which she had taken out of the wardrobes and spread over the 
floor : she came to me for my keys, saying I had better have 
my things packed up, and she would take care of them. I or- 
dered her to replace them in the drawers and come and punkah 
me, as it was fearfully hot ; I wished to keep her quiet, but she 
was constantly running off. At last the wind fell, and the fire 
was extinguished ; but not till the mess-house, the large bath- 
house adjoining, and little bungalow were burnt to the ground: 
my husband came in, greatly exhausted with his exertions. 

After dinner the poor clerk, Collins, came in to know about 
service : he was dreadfully agitated, and my husband had to 
wait some time before he was sufficiently composed to speak. 
He said he was quite sure the Sepoys intended to rise that night 
and murder us all. Poor man ! I shall never forget his look 
of distress : he was the first to be shot that night. My husband 
advised me to put on a plain dark dress and jacket, and not to 
wear any ornaments or hide any thing about me, that the Sepoys 
might not kill me for the sake of my dress or trinkets ; we then 
selected one or two trifles that we prized and some valuable 
papers, which we made into small packets, and again sat down 
in silent suspense. 

Meanwhile my husband wrote to Captain Meade — the Brigade- 



A lady's escape from gwalior. 149 

Major — to ask if we were to have service in tlie cliurcli that 
evening, as the mess-honse was destroyed ; and also to inquire 
what he thought of things. Captain Meade replied that under 
present circumstances no one would be prepared to go to 
church, and we must expect " such things " to happen in these 
times. I then finished a letter for home ; which never went, as 
it was burnt in our house. 

After coffee we received a note from Major Sherriff, saying 
he wished to see my husband ; at 5 o'clock he came, and they 
had a long talk together. He said it was a hard thing that we 
should stay to be butchered like sheep ; for now thei-e was no 
doubt but that such would be our fate. He also told us Mrs. 
Hawkins had come in from Sepree, to join her husband, and 
that she had been confined on Saturday. "It is dreadful," he 
added, " that women and children should be exposed to such 
horrors : they will receive no mercy I fear." We wished him 
to dine with us, but he was engaged to the Brigadier ; and after 
walking some time in the garden he went away, having first 
left some money which he had forgotten to give at the holy 
communion that morning. A few hours after he was shot, 
when at the lines of his regiment. 

My husband now sent for all the servants and gave them 
each handsome presents in money : to his bearer and my ayah 
lie gave double ; he also rewarded the guard of six Sepoys, who 
had come to guard our house when the fire broke out. We 
then drove out. We saw scarcely any one about, every thing 
looked as it had done for days past ; but as we were returning 
we passed several parties of Sepoys, none of whom saluted us. 
We met the Brigadier and Major Blake, who were just going to 
pass a party of Sepoys, and I remember saying to my husband, 
" If the Sepoys do n't salute the Brigadier the storm is nigh at 
hand." They did not. The Brigadier and Major Blake turned 
and looked at them. We found our guard still at our house, 
but they also took no notice of us. We then had tea, and sat 



150 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

reading till gun-fire ; and at 9 we retired to rest, as my husband 
was much exhausted. 

I hope no one will think me unfeeling in writing what fol- 
lows : it must he obvious to all that I can not do so without 
great pain ; but I think that Englishmen ought to know what 
their own coimtrywomen have endured at the hands of the 
Sepoys ; and what we went through that night and the follow- 
ing week, hundreds of ladies suffered all over India. Only a 
few survived to tell the tale ; which can only be faithfully told 
by one who has experienced the misery. 

Some men may think that women are v/eak and only fitted 
to do trivial things, and endure petty troubles : and there are 
women who deserve no higher opinion ; such as faint at the 
sight of blood, are terrified at a harmless cow, or make them- 
selves miserable by imagining terrors and unreal sorrows ; but 
there are many who can endure with fortitude and patience 
what even soldiers shrink from. Men are fitted by education 
and constitution to dare and to do ; yet they have been sur- 
passed, in presence of mind and in the power of endurance, by 
weak women. 

My husband went into his dressing-room, and I, after un- 
dressing and dismissing my ayah, arranged my dress for flight, 
and lay down. A single lamp shed a ghostly glimmer in the 
room. Soon afterward the gun fired — instantly the alarm 
bugle rang out its shrill warning on the still night. Our guard 
loaded their muskets, and I felt that our death-knell had 
sounded when the huts went down with a muffled sound. 
My husband opened his door and said, " All is over with 
us ! dress immediately." The ayah and bearer rushed in, calling 
out, " Fly ! the Sepoys have risen, and will kill you." The ayah 
then quickly helped me to dress. I put on a morning wrapper, 
cloth jacket, and bonnet, and snatched up a bottle of aromatic 
vinegar and another of opium fi-om the dressing-table, but left 
my watch and rings. My husband then came in, and we opened 



A lady's escape from gwalior. 151 

my bath- room door, whicli led into the garden, and rushed 
out. Fortunately it was very dark. I said, " Let us go to 
the Stuarts, and see what they are doing." We soon reached 
their house, and found Mrs. Stuart in great distress, as her hus- 
band had just ridden off to the lines. Poor Mrs. Hawkins lay 
in the next room, with a sergeant's wife attending to the little 
baby, only a few hours old. Mrs. Hawkins's children and the 
little Stuarts were crying, and the servants sobbing, thus add- 
ing to the confusion. While my husband tried to soothe Mrs. 
Stuart, I went in to talk to Mrs. Hawkins, whose husband had 
also gone to the lines. 

Suddenly a horse dashed into the compound, and Mrs. Stu- 
art cried out, " 0, they have killed my husband !" I re- 
turned to her, as my husband went out to speak to the syce.* 
I held her hand, and never can I forget her agonized clasp ! 
The syce told my husband that the Sepoys had shot Captain 
Stuart; that he thought the Captain was not dead, but had been 
taken to the artillery lines : he also brought a message from 
Major Hawkins, directing his wife and children to go to the 
lines. So Mrs. Hawkins was carried out on a bed, followed by 
the nurse with the infant, and a large party of servants carrying 
the other four children. They all went to the artillery lines, as 
the artillery had promised to remain faithful. Mrs. Stuart also 
set off in her carriage with her children ; my husband helped 
her in, and tried to comfort her. Mrs. Stuart had before told 
me that when she returned from her former flight to the Resi- 
dency, a Sepoy had said to her, " Why did you leave your hus- 
band, Mem -sahib ? That was not brave ; but you women are 
so weak and faint-hearted, you take flight at nothing. See ! 
the Sahib trusted us ; we will always be faithful, whatever 
happens." 

Our syce now appeared with the buggy, accompanied by our 

Syce, groom. 



152 HEKOBS OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

kitmutgliar ; the latter appeared very much excited, and had a 
tulwah* in each hand. He advised us to cross the bridge leading 
to the Lushkur ; but the ^ce said it was guarded with guns and 
sentries. At first we thought we would follow Mrs. Stuart and 
Mrs. Hawkins to the artillery lines, as the artillery were thought 
to be better inclined toward us ; it was the 4th we dreaded, for 
they had often let fall suspicious and mutinous words. It is 
believed that they committed that night and the following 
morning, most of the murders at the station. 

Just as were going to turn toward the artillery lines, a young 
Sepoy came running from them toward us, weeping and sob- 
bing. He called out, "They have shot the Sahib," and though 
my husband spoke to him, he ran past without answering. All 
this time we heard volleys of musketry, bugles, shots, and terri- 
ble shrieks, and saw some of the houses burning. We drove to 
the Blakes' bungalow, where we found Mrs. Blake, Mrs. Eaikes, 
and Dr. and Mrs. Kirke ; none of them knowing what to do. 
Major Blake had ridden off to the lines the instant the alarm 
bugle had sounded ; and things were rather quieter here. 

It was now 10 o'clock. Dr. Kirke said the guard had promised 
to stay by us, and that now it was utterly impossible to escape, 
as every road was guarded and planted with guns, and cavalry 
were riding about. After a short time, passed in terrible sus- 
pense, the guard of the house suggested that we had better hide 
in the garden, as the Sepoys would soon be coming to " loot "f 
the house, and would kill us. It was only postponing our 
deaths, as we knew that escape was now hopeless ; but as life 
is dear to all, we did what we could to save it. 

I shall not attempt to describe my feelings ; but leave readers 
to imagine them — if they can. I will only relate the simple 
facts. 

We followed the advice of the guard, and went into the 

* Tulwah, sword, cimeter. f Loot, to rob, to plunder. 



A lady's escape fkom gwalior. 153 

o-arden, where we remained for some time. Mrs. Raikes, with 
her baby, was taken bj^ her servant to hide elsewhere, and the 
Kirkes, with their little boy, went back to their own house. My 
husband had his rifle, which was afterward lost. I was told 
afterward by several natives that he killed two Sepoys with it : 
I know not if he did. 

Mrs. Blake's kitmutghar, Muza, who remained faithful, now 
took us to a shady place in the garden, where we lay concealed 
behind a bank, well covered with trees. He told us to lie down 
and not to move, and then brought a large dark shawl for my 
husband, who was in a white suit. It was now about eleven. 
The guard — composed of men of the 1st — still remained faith- 
ful ; though they took no active part in helping us. They kept 
coming to us with reports that Mrs. Campbell was lying dead 
in her compound ; that the Brigadier was shot on the bridge, 
and Dr. Mackeller near one of the hospitals, and — worst of 
all — that poor Major Blake was killed. This last report was 
only too true. 

At last about a hundred Sepoys came to attack Mrs. Camp- 
bell's house, which was close to our hiding-place. We heard 
them tearing down the doors and windows, and smashing the 
glass and furniture ; they even brought carts into the garden to 
carry off the plunder ; then they set fire to it, and the flames 
shot up into the clear night air. They seemed to take pleasure 
in their mad work, for their wild shouts of laughter mingled 
with the crackling of the flames. The moon — which had now 
risen — looked calmly down on our misery, and lighted the 
heavens, which were flecked with myriads of stars, only occa- 
sionally obscured by the smoke of the burning houses. the 
sight of that moon ! how I longed that she would hide her 
brightness behind some cloud, and not seem to look so serenely 
down upon our misery ! 

At last, when the mutineers had wreaked their vengeance on 
Mrs. Campbell's house, and only a heap of smoldering and 



154 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

blackened ruins remained, they commenced their attack on the 
Blakes' house. We heard them looking for us ; but not finding 
their victims there, they came into the garden and made a dili- 
gent search for us. I saw the moonlight glancing on their 
bayonets, as they thrust aside the bushes, and they passed so 
close by us that we might have touched them. But God baffled 
their malice for a time ; though they sought us with a deadly 
hatred, they were unsuccessful, and M'e were again left to wait a 
little longer in bitter suspense. When they were burning the 
Blakes' house, the flames and smoke swept over us. Gradually 
the fury of the Sepoys died away, and they seemed to be gone 
in search of fresh plunder, or other victims ; for we heard them 
shouting and firing in the distance. 

Our faithful Muza now crept to us, and said we were no 
longer safe where we were, but that he might hide us in his 
house, and perhaps get us some native dresses to disguise our- 
selves in ; and gratefully we hurried after him during a lull in the 
storm. His house was a low, small hut, close to the garden, 
where the other houses of the Blakes' servants were ; and we 
rushed past so quickly that, though we saw a number of Sepoys, 
yet they, in the excitement, did not see us. Mrs. Blake, in her 
hurry, fell, and hurt her head and shoulder. We crouched 
doAvn in the hut, not daring to move, and scarcely to breathe. 
I remember asking Mrs. Blake to take off her silk cape, as it 
rustled, which she did. In the dark I fell backward over a 
small bed and hurt myself. Muza then barred the door, and 
fastened it with a chain. After half an hour the Sepoys re- 
turned, more furious than before ; they evidently knew we were 
somewhere about. We heard them disputing, and the clang of 
their guns sounded as though they were loading them. 

They entered the kitchen of the house, which was only sepa- 
rated from the room we were in by a thin wooden partition. 
Muza then went out ; we did not know what for. Had he de- 
serted us ? The Sepoys talked and argued with him ; we heard 



A lady's escape from gwalior. 155 

tliem count over the cooking-vessels and dishes, and distinctly 
say, " do, tien, char, awr eck nai hai ?"* After dividing the 
spoil, we heard them again ask Muza if we were in his house, 
and say they must search ; but he replied that his mother was 
ill, and that they might frighten her. They asked him, " Have 
you no Feringhis concealed?" and he swore the most sacred 
oath on the Koran, that there were none in his house : but this 
did not appear to satisfy them, and we heard them coming in ; 
they forced open the door with the huts of their muskets, the 
chain fell with a clang, and as the door burst open, we saw the 
moon glistening on their fixed bayonets. We thought they 
were going to charge in upon us : but no ; the hut was so dark 
that they could not see us. They called for a light ; but Muza 
stopped them and said, " You see they are not here : come, and 
I will show you where they are." He then shut and fastened 
the door, and they again went away. 

There was again a dead silence, followed by the dying shrieks 
of a horse, as it rushed past our hiding-place ; so we supposed 
they had gone to the stables. After a time Muza returned and 
said : "They will be here again soon, and will kill me for con- 
cealing you, when I swore you were not here ; so I will take 
you to the bearer's hut : he will not betray you." He then 
opened the door and we went out. Day was beginning to dawn, 
and the air felt cool, after the close atmosphere of the house we 
had been in for so many hours ; it was the bearer's hut we 
were taken to ; one of a cluster of huts built of mud, and very 
low and small. I again fell and hurt myself, as it was not 
yet light, and we again lay on the ground, quite worn-out with 
watching and terror ; our lips were parched, and we listened 
intently to hear the least sound ; but a brooding silence pre- 
vailed. We were soon joined by Mrs. Eaikes, with her baby 
and ayah ; the poor baby crying and fretting. 

* Two, three, four ; is there not another ? 



156 HEROES OP THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

It was now nearly six o'clock, and grew gradually lighter, 
when the Sepoys again returned, howling and raging like wild 
beasts. They came round the hut, the baby cried, and we heard 
them ask, " Whose child is that ?" One of the women re- 
plied they did not know; they called, " Bring it out;" when 
Mrs. Eaikes exclaimed in an agony of fear, " O, they will 
kill my child !" When the woman carried it out, the Sepoys 
yelled, " Feringhi, hi:* kill them!" and I saw through the 
doorway a great number of them loading their muskets. They 
then ordered the woman to bring out a large quantity of 
plunder that lay on the floor of the hut, pictures, plate, etc. ; 
she took them out slowly, one by one, and gave them to the 
Sepoys. 

We all stood up close together in a corner of the hut ; each 
of us took up one of the logs of wood that lay on the ground, 
as some means of defense. I did not know if my husband had 
his gun, as it was too dark in the hut to see even our faces. 
The Sepoys then began to pull off the roof; the cowardly 
wretches dared not come in, as they thought we had weapons. 
When they had unroofed the hut, they fired in upon us. At 
the first shot, we droj^ped our pieces of wood, and my husband 
said, " We will not die here ; let us go outside." We all 
rushed out ; and Mrs. Blake, Mrs. Raikes, and I, clasped our 
hands and cried, " Mut maro, mut maro " — do not kill us. 
The Sepoys said, "We will not kill the mem-sahibs, only the 
sahib." We were surrounded by a crowd of them, and as soon 
as they distinguished my husband, they fired at him. Instantly 
they dragged Mrs. Blake, Mrs. Raikes, and me back ; but not 
into the bearer's hut ; the mehter'sf was good enough for us, 
they said. I saw no more; but volley after volley soon told 
me that all was over. 

Here we again lay crouched on the ground ; and the stillness 

* Feringhi, hi, there are English there. f Mehter, sweeper. 



A lady's escape prom gwalior. 157 

was sucli, that a little mouse crept out and looked at us with 
its bright eyes, aud was not afraid. Mrs. Campbell came rush- 
ing in with her hair hanging about ; she wore a native's dress, 
her own having been torn off her : she had been left alone the 
whole night. Then poor Mrs. Kirke, with her little boy, 
joined us : she had that instant seen her husband shot before 
her eyes ; and on her crying "Kill me too!" they answered, 
" No, we have killed you in killing him." Her arms were 
bruised and swollen ; they had torn off her bracelets so roughly ; 
even her wedding-ring was gone. They spared her little boy ; 
saying, "Don't kill the butcha ;* it is a missie babix."j 
Poor child ! his long curls and girlish face saved his life. He 
was only four years of age. 

T was very thankful to see Mrs. Campbell, after the frightful 
teport we had heard ; for till then we had thought her to be safe 
under Major Macpherson's protection. The Sepoys soon re- 
turned, and crowded in to stare at us. They made the most in- 
sulting remarks, and then said, " Let us carry them to our 
lines ;" whereupon they seized our hands, and dragged us along 
very fast. It was a beautiful morning, and the birds were sing- 
ing. 0, how could the bright sun and clear blue sky look on 
such a scene of cruelty ! It seemed as if God had forgotten us, 
and that hell reigned on earth. No words can describe the hell- 
ish looks of these human fiends, or picture their horrid appear- 
ance ; they had rifled all the stores, and drank brandy and beer 
to excess, besides being intoxicated with bhang.J They were 
all armed, and dressed in their fatigue uniform. I noticed the 
number on them ; it was the 4th — that dreaded regiment. 
Some were evidently the prisoners who had been let out from 
the gaol the night before ; and they were, if possible, more 
furious than the rest. Several mounted sowars — the same, I 

* Blitcha, little one, child. f Missie baba, little girl, 

■j: Bbang, an intoxicating liquor made of hemp. 



158 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

"believe, whom I had seen ride in the day before — were riding 
ahout the roads and keeping guard, and wished to fire at us, 
but the infantry would not let them. The road was crowded 
with Sepoys laden with plunder, some of which I recognized 
as our own. 

After they had dragged us to their lines, they took us from 
house to house, and at last placed us on a charpoy* under some 
trees. Mrs. Gilbert and her child now arrived, and poor Mrs. 
Proctor ; the latter in a dreadful state, having just seen her 
husband killed. All our horses and carriages were drawn up in 
a line under some trees, and I saw a beautiful Arab of Mrs. 
Raikes's lying shot. Hundreds of Sepoys now came to stare at 
us, and thronged round us so densely we could scarcely breathe . 
They mocked and laughed at us, and reviled us with the most 
bitter language, saying, " Why do n't you go home to your 
houses ? Do n't you think it is very hot here ? Would you 
like to see your sahibs now ?" We said we wished to go to 
Agra ; they replied, " ! Agra is burnt to the ground, and all 
the Feringhis are killed." They then struck the native gong. 
I think it was about eight o'clock. 

After keeping us for some time, as a spectacle on which to 
wreak their contempt, when they had tired themselves with 
using insulting language, they said we might go where we 
liked ; but when we asked how ? they demurred at giving us 
one of the carriages till some, more merciful than the rest, at 
last said we might have one. They gave us Mrs. Blake's — a 
large landau. The horses were very spirited and plunged a 
good deal : the morning before, they had broken the traces. 
How we all got in I can't say : there were Mrs. Blake, Mrs. 
Raikes, her baby and ayah, Mrs. Kirke and her little boy, Mrs. 
Campbell, and myself ; and some sergeants' wives clung to the 
carriage ; how they hung on I do n't know. The Sepoys threw 

* Charpoy, native bed. 



A lady's escape from gwalior. 159 

into the carnage one or two bottles of beer, and a bottle of 
camphor-water. The first thing the horses did was to run 
down a bank and across a small nullah. 

Muza drove ; and a syce went with us a little way, but soon 
grew tired and fell back. When we got a little way from the 
station, we came up with some more sergeants' wives and chil- 
dren, some of them nearly naked and in great distress, having 
seen their husbands shot and dragged about, and others not 
knowing the fate of their husbands. Poor things ! their dis- 
tress was very pitiable, their feelings being less under control 
than ours. 

I never can remember how it was we were separated from 
Mrs. Proctor and Mrs. Gilbert, with her nurse and child ; but 
think the Grenadiers carried them off to their lines, as they 
afterward rejoined us. The horses now grew very restless, and 
tried to run away, and Muza did not know how to manage 
them. We came up to a chowki, or stage, and were afraid the 
mutineers would stop us ; they did not, but they told us that 
Mrs. Hennessy and Captain Murray had been killed in es- 
caping. 

We here debated where we should go, and at last agreed to 
go to the Rajah and entreat him for protection. 

The Lushkur was five or six miles from the MorS,, and we 
reached it about noon. We passed crowds of natives, whom 
we expected to stop us every instant. When we reached the 
palace we asked to see the Rajah. 

The palace was surrounded by a crowd of horsemen, sol- 
diers, and natives, all most insolent in their manner to ns, 
calling out, " Your raj* is over now." The Maharajah re- 
fused to see us ; though we entreated some of the Rajah's serv- 
ants to be allowed to speak to him, we were roughly refused. 
Some say he was looking at us from a balcony all the time. 

* Raj, rule. 



160 HEROES OF THE INDIAN EEBELLION. 

Why were we so heartlessly treated by Mm, when he had been 
so kind to Major Macpherson and his party, even lending them 
carriages and a guard, and facilitating their escape in every 
way ? Did he shelter Major Macpherson in his political ca- 
pacity, and the brigadier as a man of importance ? Perhaps 
bethought that helpless women could never be of any use to 
him. This is a mystery that no one can explain to the Eajah's 
credit. We felt it keenly, to be thus driven from his palace 
gate with contempt. 

We proceeded on our way, the people yelling and shouting 
after us, and we expecting every instant to be stopped and 
torn out of our carriage, and given up to be killed by them ; 
for nothing could exceed their savage looks and language. At 
the outskirts of the Lushkur we were obliged to stop, as the 
horses kept breaking the traces as fast as we tied them together 
again ; moreover, they were much exhausted, having been in 
harness the whole night before for Mrs. Blake's escape. 

A messenger of the Rajah's took the carriage from us, 
and made us get out and wait by the roadside till he sent us 
two or three native carts. They were miserable things, without 
springs, had no covers to protect us from the sun, and were 
drawn by wretchedly weak bullocks. We got in, and were 
taken to a large brick house in a garden, where some great 
bullocks were munching grain in a room ; and there we staid. 
It was now about one o'clock, I think. We here found a 
European, belonging to the telegraph, and his wife, with her 
little baby. She was a half-caste, and they were disguised in 
native dresses. The weak, childish conduct of this man was 
sickening ; he almost cried, and kept saying, " 0, we shall all 
be killed !" Instead of trying to help, he only proved a bur- 
den to us. 

We had now almost lost the power of thinking and acting, 
for we had been from nine the preceding evening without food, 
water, or rest ; and our minds were on the rack, tortxired by 



A lady's escape from gwalior. 161 

grief and suspense. Here we were, about eight miserable 
women, alone and unprotected, without food or proper cloth- 
ing, exhausted by fatigue, and not knowing what to do ; some 
had no shoes or covering for their heads. At last Muza said 
we had better get into our carts and push on ; for the natives 
of the Lushkur, hearing we were here, would follow and kill 
us. The bullocks went very slowly, and we could not make 
them move faster. The sensation of horror and helplessness 
oppressed us like a night-mare ; for all this time we were only 
a few miles from Gwalior, and could even hear the shouting 
and crying there. 

Mrs. Campbell having broken one of the bottles of beer, we 
had each drank a little, which greatly refreshed us. 

We toiled slowly onward the whole of that long, hot after- 
noon — the dust rising in clouds, and the hot wind parching us. 
The men who drove the bullocks could hardly make them 
move. We mixed a few drops of the camphor-water with the 
water Muza occasionally brought us from the wells we passed, 
and found it support us a little. 

The shades of evening were drawing on, and we were as yet 
only a few miles on our weary way, when Muza said we were 
pursued by some sowars, who were coming to Idll us, and he 
feared he could not save us, as we were on a flat, sandy plain, 
with no shelter. We reached, at last, a small chowki by the 
roadside, where the horses for the mail and the dak gharries 
were kept, and the syces who attended to them. There were some 
wild, savage-looking men cooking food round a fire. Muza 
spoke to them, and then told us to get out of our carts and 
hide here. We all sat on the ground, and Muza said, " Only 
pretend to go to sleep ; but I fear I can not save you, as they 
are bent on killing you." We waited, with our carts drawn 
up. It was nearly dark, and we heard the horsemen coming 
quickly on. At last five sowars appeared, armed with match- 
locks and tulwahs, and as soon as they saw the carts they 

14 



162 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

stopped and dismounted. Muza went toward them, and began 
talking to them. We heard him say, " See how tired they 
are ; they have had no rest. Let them sleep to-night ; you can 
kill them to-morrow ; only let them sleep now." This they 
consented to do, and went a little way from us ; hut when it 
grew darker they crept near us, and began loading their match- 
locks and imsheathing their tulwahs. Muza came to us, and 
said he feared they would not spare us. He then asked us for 
all the ornaments we had. Mrs. Blake was the only one who 
had any, Mrs. Camphell and Mrs. Kirke having been stripped 
of theirs, and I had left mine behind. I instantly took off my 
wedding ring and tied it round my waist, as I was determined 
to save it if possible. Mrs. Blake had several valuable rings, 
other ornaments, and money about her ; these she gave to 
Muza, who handed them to the sowars. We heard them quar- 
reling together, and I believe they held a loaded pistol to his 
breast and made him swear that we had no more. Muza then 
said we must speak to them, as they would not believe him. 
So Mrs. Blake and Mrs. Campbell, who spoke Hindoostanee 
fluently, spoke to them, and offered them £40 if they would 
take a note to Captain Campbell, at Agra, asking for a guard. 
At first they said they would, and went to one of the syces to 
ask for paper, but presently returned, and said we meant to 
betray them ; and again they threatened to kill us. Just then 
we heard in the distance the tramp of a large body of horse 
and the clang of arms ; this rather startled the sowars, and 
gave us some hope. When the cavalry came nearer, we saw 
that they were part of the Rajah's body-guard, returning from 
escorting Major Macpherson and his party. They stopped, and 
we all ran toward them ; and Mrs. Campbell, whose husband 
had had the temporary command of them, entreated their na- 
tive officer — who was dressed in an English officer's uniform — 
to guard us, and let some of his men go with us. She offered 
them a large sum of money if they would. The Maharajah 



A lady's escape pkom gwalior. 163 

owed Captain Campbell long arrears of pay, and this also, I 
believe, she offered them, but to no purpose. She then en- 
treated for the protection of only one or two of his men. As 
they had escorted Major Macpherson, why could they not 
escort us ? The Eajah might have given orders for them to 
protect any helpless refugees from Gwalior. They refused, 
saying they had not the Maharajah's " hukum."* So we had 
the bitter disappointment of watching them ride off. Whether 
the sowars were frightened I know not ; but, so far as I re- 
member, they did not again molest us. We then lay down, 
and some of us went to sleep ; the poor children did, at least. 
Very early next morning we again set out. Muza got us some 
"gram" for food, like vetch, which the animals live on; it 
was very dry, and this, with a little water mixed with the cam- 
phor-watei-, was all we had to eat. About noon, on Tuesday, 
we reached the second dak bungalow on. the way to Agra — 
when we had before come to Gwalior, we had come by another 
by-road, this not being then finished. Here we halted for an 
hour or two, as we heard frightful reports about Major Mac- 
pherson and his party ; we were told that as soon as they had 
reached the Chumbul, the Rajah's body-guard had left them, 
and that they had been attacked by the villagers, who had 
killed them. They even told us the names of those who had 
been killed, and so circumstantially that we could not doubt. 
The Rajah of Dhalpore, they said, had taken possession of the 
ford, and w.ould not allow any one to cross. We did not know 
what to do, whether to go on, not crediting what they said, or, 
believing them, stay where we were. The servants at the 
bungalow pressed us to stay, saying we should all be killed if 
we went on ; but we thought they wanted to entrap us, and 
would only wait till they were joined by others, and then 
kill us. 

* Hukum, order, command. 



164 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

We sent for tlie dak-book, in whicli travelers write their 
names, but only saw "Major Macpherson and party;" there 
was no list of names. This we much regretted, as we were 
anxious to see who had escaped ; and I most earnestly wished 
to know if Mrs. Stuart, Mrs. Hawkins, Mrs. Hennessy, and 
several others, had escaped, as we had heard such frightful re- 
ports. Mrs. Campbell wrote all our names in the book that 
others who might escape should see them. We then partook 
of a little "dahl "* and rice, the first food we had tasted since 
Sunday night, excepting the gram. The poor children were 
very glad of it, but we could eat little, being so weak with ex- 
posure to the sun ; afterward, however, the doctors told us, it 
was well we had eaten so little, as our weak state alone saved 
us from sun-strokes. On looking at my foot, which was very 
painful and inflamed, I found that I had cut it, as my boots 
were very thin ; so I tied my pocket-handkerchief round it. 
We were all covered with "prickly heat," a very painful and 
irritable eruption ; and we could not rest, as crowds of natives 
would continue thronging in to stare at us ; even looking 
through the windows of all the rooms. They all had fire-arms, 
which they brandished, and they looked so ferocious that we 
did not feel at all safe. Here we were joined by Mrs. Gilbert, 
poor Mrs. Proctor, and Mrs. Quick, a sergeant's wife ; they had 
been very ill-treated at Lushkur ; Mrs. Proctor had even had a 
tulwah held to her throat. 

In the evening we proceeded on oxir journey in the carts. 
Our faithful Muza had procured us some chuddasf in which we 
wrapped our heads, and disguised ourselves as well as we could, 
so as to appear like a party of natives traveling. The oxen 
slowly dragged their weary limbs along, hanging their heads 
and stopping every instant. When we started we were sur- 
rounded by natives ; but, strange to say, they let us depart, 

*Dahl, pulse, split peas. fChuddas, large vails, sheets. 



A lady's escape from gwalior. 165 

thinking, probably, that we should never reach Agra, and that 
we should only die a lingering death on the way ; or that if 
we did reach Agra, we should only find it in ruins. 

AVe met five or six large carriages returning from conveying 
Major Macpherson and his party to Agra. We stojDped them 
and vainly entreated the drivers to take us only as far as the 
Chumbul ; bixt this they scornfully refused to do, saying they 
had not the Rajah's "hukum." O, how our hearts swelled 
with indignation at this second refusal ! It was very hard to 
see them drive past our miserable carts. Mrs. Quick was a 
very large woman — for corpulency becomes a disease in India — 
and her weight was such she had already broken down one cart, 
a small frail one, and now, toiling slowly along on foot, she 
implored us to take her in or she should die ; her expressions 
and language were violent and dreadful, but we felt for her, and 
she was at last taken into one of the carts. 

At night we reached a large village, but met with no sym- 
pathy : when we asked the natives for some water, they said 
we might get it for ourselves. Muza got us some, at last. We 
were then obliged to get out of the carts, and lie on the ground, 
in the middle of a dusty road, huddled together, while the 
villagers collected to stare at us : they even brought torches to 
aid their scrutiny, as it was now getting dark. The drivers of 
the carts made a fire and cooked some food they had got for 
themselves. The natives were very insolent ; they looked at us 
all in succession, and said, " Well, they are not worth a pice* 
each ;" but to Mrs. Campbell they said, " You are worth an 
anna ;"j they said she was — burra kubsoorut — very handsome. 
She was a very beautiful woman, and had formerly been called 
the " Rose of Gibraltar," when she was there with her father. 
They pulled aside her chudda, with which she tried to conceal 



* Pice, copper coin worth about one farthing, 
■j" Anna, copper coin worth three halfpence. 



166 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

her face, and said, " We will look at you." At last, worn out 
with fatigue, we slept, and the next morning — Wednesday — 
continued our journey. 

We passed through the town of Dholepore, which is built on 
each side of the Chumbul. The natives are a rude, fierce set, 
and when we reached the ford they would not let us cross, and 
said they would kill us. A large party of men well armed as- 
sembled together on a bank, and seemed to watch us. Muza 
advised us not to stir out of the carts, as they belonged to the 
Rajah of Gwalior, and as long as they thought we were under 
his protection they dared not touch us. He then left us, in 
order to try if he could get a boat for us to cross in ; and 
crowds of natives collected to gaze at us. It will be evident to 
all, from the behavior of the villagers to us, that the disaffection 
was not confined to Sepoys, as is sometimes asserted : indeed, 
the villagers always flocked into the stations after the mutinies 
to murder and loot. Of course there are some exceptions, like 
Muza ; and some of the Sepoys even remained faithful, and 
helped their officers to escape. 

It was the afternoon, and oppressively hot, when Muza re- 
turned, saying he had got a boat for us. We left our carts 
and descended the hill to the ford, where we saw a sort of raft, 
or rough native boat, at some distance from the shore ; we had 
to wade the stream before we reached it, and then we scrambled 
into it wet as we were. Just as the boat began to move, Muza 
piloting, some natives dashed into the water, and, as if vexed 
that they had let us depart, tore a piece of wood out of the side, 
so that the water rushed in. The sergeants' wives and children 
began shrieking out, " They are going to drown us ! they are 
pulling the boat to pieces !" I do n't know whether this stopped 
them : but they then gave over ; though some of them con- 
tinued swimming after the boat. The river was very broad, 
and the boat began to fill with water ; so as soon as we neared the 
opposite shore, we jumped out, and again waded a short dis- 



A lady's escape from gwalior. 167 

tance. The Chumbiil, like all Indian rivers, during the rains, 
swells, and floods a large space beyond its banks, sweeping all 
before it ; but during the dry season it shrinks up, leaving a 
large margin of sand and debris : through this we had now to 
drag ourselves, the sand sticking to our wet dresses. Having 
left our carts on the other side, we entered a small chowki* near 
the river bank, into which we were followed by at least twenty 
horrid, savage-looking men, armed with rusty old matchlocks 
and tulwahs. I shall never forget the expression of their faces ; 
we could see well now, as it was light, and we were neither agi- 
tated nor excited, many of us having almost lost all longing for 
life. We sat here for more than an hour, surrounded by these 
men, who every now and then drew out their tulwahs, and 
slowly polished them with their fingers, seeming to whet and 
sharpen them. They watched us closely : one man especially, 
with only one eye, and that had a horrid basilisk expression in 
it, watched me the whole time. They appeared to consult how 
they should kill us, and I kept thinking what a dreadful death 
they would put us to with their rusty weapons : a bullet would 
have been a merciful death in comparison. They would occa- 
sionally leave us, and then return, as if purposely keeping us 
in suspense. 

At last a camel sowar rode up, and gave Mrs. Campbell a 
note. It was one written by Captain Campbell to the Maha- 
rajah, requesting him to have all the bodies of the killed at 
Gwalior buried, and particularly his own wife. This she her- 
self read. The sowar said he would take her to Captain Camp- 
bell, who had come a few miles out of Agra, and was at the 
dak bimgalow at Munnia, not daring to come further, fearing 
an ambush ; but Mrs. Campbell was unwilling to leave us, and, 
moreover, she did not like to trust herself alone with the sowar, 
who agreed, instead, to take a note to Captain Campbell. 

* Chowki, stage for horses. 



168 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

Mrs. Campbell — I think — piicked with a pin on the back of 
the note, " We are here, more than a dozen women and chil- 
dren : send us help." The sowar departed, and Captain 
Campbell actiially received the note. 

Muza now said we had better walk on a little way, till he 
could procure us some more carts ; so we walked on under the 
burning sun, our wet clothes clinging to us. Some of the 
women had no shoes or stockings ; and one tore off pieces of 
her dress to wrap round her bleeding feet. Mrs. Kirke and Mrs. 
Campbell, who had no bonnets, put part of their dresses over 
their heads, to protect them from the burning rays of the sun. 
Mrs. Gilbert could hardly walk ; but some of the women helped 
her along, and others carried the children. At last Mrs. Quick 
fell down in an apoplectic fit, and became black in the face ; 
some of the ladies kindly staid with her, but in a quarter of 
an hour she died. The natives crowded round, laughing at her 
immense size, and mocked her. We asked them to bury her ; 
but I do n't know whether they did, as we left her body lying 
on the road. 

We sat for a long time waiting for carts, in a lane with high 
banks on each side, which sheltered us a little from the sun ; at 
last, to our great delight, a native mounted policeman, riding 
Captain Campbell's own "Blacky," came up and told us that 
Captain Campbell was at the first dak bungalow from Agra ; 
not daring to come any further, and tmcertain if we had escaped, 
as Major Macpherson and all who had escaped knew nothing 
about us. Captain Campbell had sent him with instructions 
to us to rest at the next dak bungalow, where he would provide 
us with food. The man then rode off to ask the Eajah of 
Dholepore for some carts for us. It seemed strange to see this 
man, and hear him speak so kindly to us. He alone remained 
faithful when all the other mounted policemen afterward muti- 
nied at Agra. 

The horse, too, was an old friend which we had often driven, 



A lady's escape from gwalior. 169 

and Mrs. Campbell was delighted to see it again. The man 
soon returned ; and when the carts and an elephant, which the 
Rajah allowed ns to have, came, we went to the bungalow. It 
was the same at which I had rested on our way to Gwalior 
nearly six months before; and I shall never forget the feeling 
with which I now entered that house under such different cir- 
. cumstances. 

It was quite dark when we reached the bungalow, and our 
kind messenger gave us some biscuits, bread, and beer, which 
Captain Campbell had sent. Then we lay down — some on the 
floor — and slept. In the morning — Thursday — at about 4 A. M. 
we set out in our carts, which were very uncomfortable, though 
drawn by fine, large bullocks. Some of the sergeants' wives 
had tried the night before to sit on the elephant ; but as it had 
ho howdah,* and they were too exhausted to hold on, we took 
them into our carts. About noon we came in sight of the 
bungalow at Munnia where Captain Campbell was ; he had 
sent on his buggy for his wife, so she and Mrs. Gilbert pre- 
ceded us in it. We soon arrived, and never shall I forget Cap- 
tain Campbell's kindness : he was truly a good Samaritan ; he 
bathed our heads, fanned us, and procured us fowls and rice ; 
for we were by this time utterly worn out with fatigue and ex- 
haustion. Here Mrs. Gilbert's baby was born, and we halted 
till evening. Captain Campbell had a small charpoyf covered 
with some carpet belonging to the bungalow, for Mrs. Gilbert 
and the infant to be carried on. He had twenty horsemen with 
him, but could not trust them. We started about 4 P. M., and 
traveled all night, through by lanes ; and thus, it being dark, 
we avoided an ambush, as the rebels were collecting to attack 
us. Poor Sergeant Quick now joined us, and was told of the 
death of his wife. 



* Howdah, seat for four people on an elephant, 
"j" Charpoy, a native bedstead. 

15 



170 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

At 6 tlie next morning — Friday — we readied Agra. It seemed 
so strange to see faces not haggard and sorrowful. We went 
to the house of Captain Stevenson, Captain Campbell's cousin, 
and were refreshed with tea ; afterward Mrs. Blake, accompa- 
nied by her ever-faithful Muza, went to her friend Mrs. Griffin ; 
Mrs. Kirke went to another kind friend, and Mrs. Eaikes to 
her uncle, Mr. Eaikes ; I went to Major Macpherson and Mrs. 
Innes, who were in a large house appointed for the Gwalior 
refugees. Mrs. Gilbert now heard that her husband had either 
arrived or was expected ; which must indeed have cheered her. 
Captain Murray drove me to Major Macpherson's, where Mrs. 
Innes met me very kindly ; she took me to a room, where, after 
I had bathed, I laid down and fell asleep ; never awakening 
till evening. Mrs. Innes arranged for us to sleep in the garden, 
as in case of an alarm we might more easily escape to the bar- 
racks. Major Macpherson and Dr. Mackeller were also to 
sleep in the garden with their fire-arms ready. We could 
now foresee danger, and plan how to avoid it, having been 
taught by bitter experience. 

I lay awake that night, gratefully enjoying the tranquillity 
and comparative security : all was calm and still ; the air 
gently stirred by a soft breeze, and the silence only broken by 
the chirp of a cicala. These lines recurred to my memory — 

*' Why are we weighed upon with heaviness 
And utterly consumed with sharp distress 
While all things else have rest from weariness ?" 

AT THE rOKT. 

Life was a blank to me for many days ; therefore I know 
little of the events that happened between the time of our ar- 
rival in Agra and our going into the fort about ten days after. 
I lay all day in a room with a wet towel wrapped round my 
head, utterly stunned : every thing seemed like a fearful dream. 



A lady's escape from gwalior. 171 

I could not "believe that what had passed was real. My head 
felt throbbing and painful : we must all have suffered from par- 
tial cou'p de soldi — the exhaustion produced by want of proper 
food and rest, and distress of mind, left me without the power 
of doing any thing. The weather was oppressively hot, and 
we had not the proper appliances to. mitigate the heat : there 
was no one to pull the punkhas, as the servants no longer cared 
to attend to us. I had nothing in the world but what I had 
escaped in ; and though the Agra ladies sent us a few clothes, 
there were so many for them to be divided among, that few fell 
to my share. Mrs. Innes was very kind in getting some clothes 
made for me ; but there was great difficulty in procuring any 
materials, as the native shopkeepers and bazar people had 
buried all their property, and no peddlers ventured to sell their 
goods. 

Our beds were placed under the veranda surrounding the 
barracks. The Campbells, Stevensons, and several others slept 
here. The crickets, frogs, and jackals kept up a dismal concert 
all night, and cockroaches, two or three inches long, swarmed 
all around us. We had a long drive every night ; often 
through pouring rain — for the rainy season was just commenc- 
ing — the nights were pitch dark, and we were occasionally 
startled by seeing some native skulking about. We had to 
pass several sentries, whose challenges Major Macpherson an- 
swered ; but sometimes he forgot the pass-word, and we had to 
wait till Mrs. Innes remembered it. The first night it was " Ox- 
ford," and the next "Putney." The poor soldiers, many of 
whom were very young, looked quite worn out with patrolling 
and extra work. 

One night the sentry close to us was fired at ; instantly all 
the gentlemen were up, but it was not found out who had caused 
the alarm. Several people were thus fired at during that week. 
Every morning we returned from the barracks, and I again lay 
in my room. Mrs. Innes borrowed a Bible for me, which 



172 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

afforded me much consolation. I had £10 given me from 
Government, which was to last me three months, as I could not 
get any money from Calcutta. 

The weather became daily more oppressive, and affairs looked 
more gloomy. Life really seemed a burden ; it was only one 
long struggle to preserve it. No one dared look forward a sin- 
gle day. Eumors were spread that a large force was collecting 
in the vicinity of Agra, against which our small force could 
do little good ; but the fort stood us in good stead, and our 
deepest gratitude is due for its good service. We heard bad 
news from the surrounding country of Lucknow and Cawnpore, 
and no tidings of help coming from England then. 

Major Macpherson, at my request, sent as trustworthy a 
native as could then be found to Gwalior to find out all particu- 
lars. Just afterward my kitmutghar came in from Gwalior on 
the 24th, the first anniversary of my wedding-day, and from 
him I learned all, and more than I wished to know; and thus 
my last faint hope vanished. He told me that all the bodies 
of the killed had been thrown into a dry nullah. He also said 
that the day after the mutiny the Maharajah had come down to 
cantonments, and been received by the mutinous troops as their 
king, and had held a parade. I hardly believed this at the 
time ; but I afterward remembered seeing in the paper that the 
mutiny of the 34th N. I., at Barrackpore, was to have taken 
place the very day the Rajah had fixed for his grand fete at 
Calcutta. His sudden departure put a stop to it. Perhaps he 
thought thus to avoid suspicion ; but who can find out the 
motives of " a doubly-dyed traitorous Mahratta ?" Another 
mysterious matter connected with the Maharajah, and which 
many people have commented on is, that he in some way pre- 
vented the women from being killed at Gwalior. It is said that 
he knew of the mutiny, and extracted a promise from the Se- 
poys to spare the women : else why, it is urged, did they not 
kill us when we were so completely in their power, and they 



A LADY'S ESCAPE FKOM GWALIOR. 173 

were drunk with bhang* and brandy ? Gwalior is the only 
station where the women were not killed. If the Rajah could 
so far protect us, and give a guard and carriages to take some 
of the fugitives to Agra — thus showing the Sepoys he was not 
wholly on their side — why did he not warn us, and send the 
women and children to Agra ? We should all have gone on 
Sunday, the instant the fires broke out. Why did he not, instead 
of taking us to his palace, let us go to Agra, when we first 
made our escape to the Residency, and the carriages were all 
ready waiting, and only wanting a guard from him ? for then 
we were not prohibited from going by Mr. Colvin's order. I 
am afraid it is impossible to explain these mysterious circum- 
stances. It is also said that the Sepoys at Gwalior were com- 
municating long before the 14th of June — and that the Rajah 
knew of it — with the regiments of the Contingent which had 
left — the 1st Grenadiers and the Cavalry — and sending lists of 
those they particularly wished to kill. 

The kitmutghar pretended to be very sorry for what had hap- 
pened, and "wept crocodile's tears." I found out, as I had 
anticipated, that he had got our plate and £50 in rupees, left 
in our house, for his share, and that the ayah had got my 
dresses, etc. ; but he complained that the Sepoys had treated 
them very badly, and made them give them up the plunder, and 
that even the villagers, on his way to Agra, had robbed him of 
the little he had left. The man looked dirty and forlorn ; very 
different to his gay, clean appearance little more than a week 
before. He, however, brought me my poor little puppy 
"Jack." 

Poor Mrs. Blake now heard of the murder of her brother, Mr. 
Eicketts, at Shahjehanpore. The mutiny there had taken place 
before the Gwalior mutiny, while the people were in church. 
Sunday seems to have been the chosen day for the Sepoys' ris- 

* Bhang, an intaxicating liquor made from hemp. 



174 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

ing : whether they had some idea connected with religion, or 
whether they thought we were less on our guard on that day, 
can only he conjectured. I refrain from giving any details of 
the horrihle mxitinies, accounts of which daily poured in ; for the 
papers have teemed with graphic accounts of every mutiny, and 
the massacres of Cawnpore, Jhansi, Delhi, and Meerut are 
seared on the hearts of many in burning characters. 

I was very glad to hear from Mrs. Innes that many had es- 
caped from Grwalior on Sunday night. During the first ten 
minutes after the alarm bugle sounded, they had all crossed the 
nullah, which in some places was very shallow, though in 
others they were obliged to swim : they had then met at the 
Lushkur, where the Maharajah very kindly received them, and, 
as I have mentioned, gave them a guard and carriages. They 
gave up for lost all those left behind. They accomplished their 
journey to Agra in about two days without much difficulty, 
excepting once, when they were nearly betrayed into an ambush 
at Dholepore ; this it was which gave rise to the fearful reports 
we had heard there. Captain Longville Clarke was wounded, 
and Lieutenant Pierson rejoined his wife, whom the Sepoys 
actually brought to him, and carried some miles in a horse- 
cloth, slung between their muskets. It seems very strange that 
the Sepoys should have treated him with such kindness, when 
he had only arrived about six weeks before the mutiny broke 
out : he was adjutant in the same regiment as poor Major 
Blake. 

Mrs. Hennessy lived in a large pucka-house, which, being 
not so liable to take fire, Mrs. Christison and her child took 
refuge in before the mutiny broke out. Mrs. Ferris, wife of a 
commanding officer at one of the out-stations, and her children, 
were also staying with her. As soon as the alarm bugle 
sounded, Mrs. Hennessy's son, a youth of about seventeen, 
urged them to fly : he helped them, and took care of these 
ladies and children, and of his own little sister, and protected 



A lady's escape from gwalior. 175 

them all the way to the Lushkur. Mrs. Ferris and Mrs. 
Christison escaped without shoes or bonnets, as they were just 
going to bed. There were at that time six ladies and eight 
children at Gwalior, their husbands and fathers having left 
with their regiments, with no one to protect them, or even to 
be responsible for their safety. Lieutenant and Mrs. Proctor 
staid all night with Mrs. Gilbert at her earnest entreaty ; she 
could not ride, and her servants would not let her have her 
carriage. Perhaps had Mr. Proctor ridden off with his wife, 
as they had planned, he might have escaped ; but he would not 
leave an unprotected woman. 

The Meades' house was on the banks of the nullah. Mrs. 
Murray, whose child had been buried that morning, had gone to 
her sister, so they were all together. They were just retiring to 
rest, I believe, when the alarm bugle sounded ; they instantly 
snatched up their children, and with some servants, ran out 
and crossed the nullah, which was fortunately shallow there. 
They hid in a small guard-house for some time, till their hus- 
bands joined them. The guard of their own house hid them, 
and even advised them to go to the Rajah's ; so they walked as 
fast as they could to his palace, where they found Major Mac- 
pherson and Mrs. Innes, who had driven from the Residency to 
the palace, in a great state of alarm about those left behind. 
Seeing the Sepoys hunting about on .the banks of the nullah, 
hearing the shouts and firing, and seeing the houses blazing, 
they thought all was over with those left behind. All those 
who escaped in this manner knew the surrounding country well, 
and some had been born at Gwalior. 

I still was very anxious to know the fate of poor Mrs. Stuart 
and Mrs. Hawkins ; and at last heard that Mrs. Hawkins had 
arrived at Agra with her remaining three children and little 
Charlotte Stuart. She had seen her husband, her two chil- 
dren, Mrs. Stuart, and her child, and her nurse, a European, all 
killed ! She afterward described to me the horrid scene. On 



176 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

Monday morning the Sepoys rushed into the hut where they 
were hiding, and fired at Captain Hawkins ; the same hullet 
killed Mrs. Stuart, who was clinging to his arm ; they then 
killed the nurse, and it was supposed the infant was killed by 
falling with her. A blow with a tulwah killed Mrs. Stuart's 
little boy, two years old, and Mrs. Hawkins's other child. It 
seems very wonderful why they spared Mrs. Hawkins's three 
remaining children ; for two of them were boys, and they had 
sworn to kill all the sahibs : poor little Kirke was only spared 
because they thought he was a girl. Mrs. Stuart's bearer re- 
mained faithful to Mrs. Hawkins, and hid her three children 
and Charlotte Stuart on the top of a hut. Mrs. Hawkins was 
too weak to move, and the Sepoys would not let her have any 
water ; at last she crept down to the nullah to get some water 
for her children, when one, more merciful than the rest, gave her 
some. She also got a note conveyed by some means to 
Colonel Filose, who lived in the Lushkur. He and his brother 
are descendants of the famous French officer who trained the 
Mahratta troops in former days ; and ever since a descendant 
of his has had the command of the Rajah's forces. Colonel 
Filose lived in a handsome house in the Lushkur, and was 
treated with great respect by the Rajah. He sent a cart for Mrs, 
Hawkins and her children, to whom the Sepoys at last gave 
some clothes, which she sadly needed, and let them go, ac- 
companied by the faithful bearer. 

Captain Stuart lay all Sunday night in a hut, wounded, but 
not mortally. The faithful bearer attended to him and gave 
him some milk and water. In the morning he asked after his 
wife, and on hearing she was killed, said he no longer cared to 
live. The Sepoys then took him to the place where the ele- 
phants were kept, some distance off, and there shot him. Cap- 
tain Stuart and his wife were both young ; but perhaps it was 
better they should die together. Poor Mrs. Hawkins was very 
ill for some time, and as soon as it was safe went up to her 



A lady's escape fkom gwalior. 177 

brother in the hills. I shall never forget her patient endurance ; 
though sorely tried, she never murmured. 

Little Charlotte Stuart, who was about six years old, re- 
mained in the fort under the care of some kind friends ; but the 
poor little thing, from being the merriest child in Gwalior, 
became quite grave and melancholy. The bearer never deserted 
her. One day, on meeting Mrs. Blake in the fort, she asked her 
if she had any pictures of Gwalior. 

There was one other woman killed at Gwalior ; I forget her 
name, but she was the widow of the conductor, who had some- 
thing to do with the commissariat at Gwalior : he had risen from 
the ranks, and had saved a great deal of money. He died a 
shoi-t time before the mutiny, and his wife buried his boxes of 
treasure, thinking they would be safe ; and on the Sepoys de- 
manding the treasure, she refused to show them where it was 
hid, whereupon they shot her. 

Poor Mrs. Ferris, shortly after her arrival, heard of the death 
of her husband. He was coming into Gwalior from one of the 
out-stations, to join his wife, who had been sent there for safety, 
when he and a young officer who was with him were stopped 
and dragged out of their carriage by the villagers, tied to a tree, 
and flogged. Major Ferris soon died ; but the young officer 
survived the flogging : perhaps his youth and good constitution 
sustained him : at all events, he came into Agra and brought 
the report of Major Feiris's fate ; but he was ill for a long time 
after. I must now return to the events of the fort. 

It was now feared that the Gwalior Contingent, which had 
all collected at Gwalior, on finding that Agra was not destroyed 
and all the Feringhees killed, as they had said, would join the 
Neemuch mutineers, who were collecting in our neighborhood, 
and march on Agra ; but, strange to say, they did not, being 
too much occupied in plundering and quarreling among them- 
selves to care for further conquest. Had they marched on the 
fort, they would certainly have taken it, and the same tragedy 



178 HEKOES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

miglit have happened as at Cawnpore ; for they were well dis- 
ciplined, and had a heavy siege-train. It was thought prudent 
to issue an order that all the women and children should go into 
the fort. 

The gentlemen remained, and under Lieutenant Greathed 
hecame enrolled as militia in defense of the city. Dr. Mack- 
eller took Mrs. Innes and myself to the fort. Our furniture 
consisted of two narrow soldier's cribs, with very hard mat- 
tresses and but scanty bed-clothes, a small camp table, two or 
three chairs, and boxes to contain our stores and meager ward- 
robe ; and in one corner were the cooking vessels and earthen 
pots for water. A lamp, a few cups and saucers, plates, knives 
and forks, completed the menage. This "den" and its furni- 
ture I shared with Mrs. Innes ; and it is a sample of all the 
others. 

In these "dens" we performed all the necessary acts of 
life — cooking and eating, dressing and undressing, sleeping 
and sitting up ; but occasionally we went into the marble hall. 

Fresh and alarming reports now came into the fort. The 
Gwalior Contingent was expected, and the Neemuch mutineers 
were close at Agra ; and every man capable of bearing arms 
was ordered on garrison duty. But few luxuries were allowed 
inside the fort. 

On the fourth of July the Notah Contingent mutinied. A 
battle followed between the Europeans and the mutineers ; the 
former were victorious, but could not follow up the victory. I 
hardly remember any thing of the week following the battle, 
every one was in such a state of excitement. The heat was 
frightful, and, in consequence of our sei-vants' desertion, we 
had to do every thing for ourselves ; this was particularly try- 
ing to us, as the climate tends to enervate people, and make 
them less active and energetic ; and the hosts of servants every 
one keeps render people dependent on them. A lady's life in 
India, however, though very luxurious, is not so useless and 



A lady's escape from gwalior. 179 

frivolous as some imagine. We had to cook, wasli our 
clothes, and clean out our " dens," and those who had chil- 
dren had the douhle task of attending to them and keeping 
them inside the "dens," as it was dangerous to let them he 
outside on the stone-walk alone, the parapet was so low — little 
Archie Murray did fall over into the court below, a distance of 
twelve or fourteen feet, but happily escaped uninjured. 

We had little food this week — pulse and rice, neither of 
which were very good, composed our fare ; and if we had 
been besieged, that was all the food we should have had to de- 
pend on. 

The first case of cholera in the fort was that of an officer. 
On Sunday, the 12th of July, Captain Burlton, of the Gwa- 
lior Contingent, was talking to us just after morning service, 
discussing the sad events of the last few weeks, the hard life 
we were leading, and the extra duty he had to perform, and 
hoping his wife was safe, as he had not heard from her for 
some time. (She afterward escaped from Goonah with the 
rest of the fugitives.) After talking for some time, he said, 
" I must try and get a little sleep ; I feel so worn-out with last 
night's work." As he was wet through, one lady told him he 
ought to change his clothes, and he replied, " I would, if I had 
any to change." In the afternoon we heard that he was ill, 
and later that he was seized with cholera. Several doctors 
did all they could to save him, and as his quarters were very 
damp — just beneath the marble hall — they tried to carry him 
up a narrow flight of steps, but found it impossible. He died 
shortly after midnight, and was buried the following evening 
at gun-fire 

I had now an additional source of care and anxiety in my 
baby, though it was, of course, a great comfort. Owing to the 
great difficulty in getting a wet-nurse for him, he suffered very 
much ; and one doctor told me if I did not get a good nurse 
for him, he would not live twenty-four hours, so Major Mac- 



180 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

pherson kindly allowed his chuprassis to go out and search in 
the neighboring villages for one; for the Choudrini, or woman 
who has the monopoly of hiring out nurses, had set her face 
against their coming into the fort. 

Every one had been very kind to me ; a room had been lent 
me, quieter and more comfortable than my own ; Mrs. Longden 
and Mrs. Fraser also gave me some baby-clothes, otherwise my 
little boy would have been almost destitute, as few of the Kup- 
pra Wallahs had ventured into the fort till after he was born. 
Mrs. Innes was most kind to me, and Mrs. Campbell often 
came from the palace garden to see me, bringing eau de 
cologne and other little luxuries. A soldier's wife attended to 
the baby ; she was a most kind-hearted Irish woman. Her 
husband had gone with a party to Allyghurh. 

My Irish nurse — Mrs. Cameron — was a cheery companion to 
me ; she used to tell me long stories, and, as she could not 
read, I read the newspapers to her, and gave her all my home 
papers to send to her husband. One day, after I had been 
reading some of the particulars of the Cawnpore massacre, 
which related that the soldiers swore they would kill a Sepoy 
for every hair of Miss Wheeler's head, she said, " I think 
hell will be almost full now." I asked, "Why?" She re- 
plied, " Because there has been such a lot of them brutes of 
Sepoys sent there." This conversation took place after hear- 
ing of Havelock's victory at Cawnpore, when he cajstured fif- 
teen guns, and another engagement near Bithoor, making his 
ninth victory. 

Another soldier's wife said to a lady, who had remarked that 
the Sepoys were like devils, " I think it is a bad compliment 
to the devil to say the Sepoys are like him." The "Mofussil- 
ite" was printed in the fort, the printing-press being now in 
use, so we received detailed accounts of what was going on. 
About this time I had given me the great luxury of a bath, in 
the shape of half a beer barrel. 



A lady's escape from gwalior. 181 

I used to amuse myself by watching the people going about 
on the river in boats ; people being now permitted to go out of 
the fort. These boats were like those formerly emploj'^ed for 
coming up the river; they had each a "chopper" roof, and 
were divided into two rooms. The Meades, Murrays, and some 
others, took the small quantity of furniture that they had re- 
covered, and lived in these boats for change of air. This mode 
of life was thought by the doctors to be so healthy, that they 
sent the wounded soldiers to live in boats anchored near the 
shore. It was a pitiable sight to see the emaciated forms of 
the poor men, carried in dhoolies down to the boats, then 
placed on " charpoys," and carried back to the hospital at 
night. I could also see the road winding toward the Taj, and 
people driving and riding on it ; for now they could safely 
leave the fort during the day ; though sometimes they were fired 
at. I had also the amusement of watching the encampment of 
horses and their syces ; the latter had their wives and families 
in small huts, making quite a colony. The horses were pick- 
eted in rows, and it was amusing to see the syces, who 
were most of them tall, fine-looking men, grooming the horses 
very carefully, and sometimes washing them. They were a 
very savage set, however, not much incumbered with clothes, 
having only a "cummerbund" round the waist; some had 
not even turbans ; and they were always fighting and quar- 
reling. 

One day I saw a native woman beating her own infant, of 
about a year old, in the most horrible manner, first with her 
hands, then with a thick stick, till tired of this, she threw it on 
the ground and kicked it ; the poor child, of course, screamed 
terribly the whole time, and I felt miserable at being quite 
powerless to prevent it. When it grew dark I could see no 
more till the next morning, when I saw the child lying on a 
charpoy, its father trying to force something down its throat, 
and its cruel mother lying near asleep. The poor little creature 



182 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

gave one convulsive shudder and died ; its father then washed 
it, went to the bazar to buy a piece of cloth, wrapped the 
corpse in it, and then walked off with the still warm body, fol- 
lowed by the other children ; then with a spade he dug a hole 
and cast in the body of his child. The mother in the mean time 
threw herself on the very charpoy from which her dead child 
had just been carried, and finished her sleep. I told Captain 
Campbell and Major Macpherson of the circumstance, but they 
said nothing could be done, as we dare not now contradict or 
thwart the natives. 

The scene by moonlight had a strange effect ; the light shim- 
mering on the ripples of the broad river, and glancing on the 
groups of natives, rolled up in their white chuddas on the 
ground ; and the horses standing like statues in rows, looked 
specter-like, or as if turned into stone. On the opposite bank 
of the river there always glowed a bright fire at night ; and I 
afterward found out it was the natives burning their dead. 
One of my nurses lost her husband and came crying to me for 
money to buy wood with to burn her husband's body ; and at 
night she showed me the fire, and said, " Look, mem-sahib, they 
burn my husband there." 

My mother had sent me out a box of clothes from home ; 
but the country was in such a disturbed state, I could get neither 
them nor my money from Calcutta. Letters from England, 
however, came regularly now, and I received one addressed to 
my husband, telling him of the death of his cousin in the 
Austrian service, who died of consumption at Venice. This 
brought to my mind the happy days that my husband and I 
had spent with poor Captain Coopland only the year before at 
Vienna. 

"A sorrow's crown of sorrow is remembering happier things." 

On the 9th of September Mr. Colvin died. He had been in 
a bad state of health ever since his coming into the fort ; and 



A lady's escape from gwalior. 183 

seemed utterly powerless to act in such a momentous crisis, 
being both mentally and physically worn-out. After lingering 
some days in an almost insensible state, he died, and was 
buried in the Armory Square. I have before given the reasons 
why he was buried within the fort walls. We watched his 
funeral from the "Tower," as his quarters were in the palace 
near the Dewan-i-khas. 

Some time in the middle of September I went out for my first 
drive ; till then, since June 29th, I had never been beyond 
our square, and my only walk had been on "the tower." I 
shall never forget my sensations : I felt like one in a dream. 
Major Macpherson and Mrs. Innes had often been out driving, 
but I had not been able till now. 

This morning I was awoke by the welcome message, "Mrs. 
Innes's * salaam ' and would I like a drive ?" I dressed quickly, 
and leaving baby to the care of Mrs. Cameron — who was de- 
lighted that I should have a change — got into the tonjon, and 
was boi'ne along through the palace garden — where a number 
of other people were preparing for walking or driving — down 
the inclined plane, and out at the Delhi gate. The gateway 
was crowded with natives carrying in things to sell, bheesties 
with water, coolies with bags of sand for the fortifications, and 
people hurrying out for their drives. At last I was fairly out- 
side the gates, and the bearers setting the tonjon down at th^ 
other side of the draw-bridge, politely assisted me into Major 
Macpherson's carriage, which was standing with a lot of others, 
waiting for their owners, the syces meanwhile driving off the 
flies with whisks. When the coachman asked me which way I 
should like to go, I chose the Taj road. 0, how delightfully 
the fresh air blew on my face, when free from the walls of the 
fort ! Quickly we wound by the side of the river, on which 
was anchored quite a little fleet of boats, awaiting the rising of 
the river to continue their journey to Allahabad ; and there 
were large boats, gay with flags, and occupied by people wearied 



184 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

of fort life. We passed under a hill which the coolies were 
digging away, and by some ruins they were preparing to 
blast. 

The country looked delightfully fresh and blooming after the 
late rains, the breeze was cool and refreshing, and the air sweet 
with delicious scents. At last I passed the Taj, its white marble 
and golden-tipped minarets sparkling in the bi-ight sun against 
the blue sky. It Avas a painful contrast on approaching the 
cantonments, utterly destroyed and desolate ; and around their 
blackened walls and ruined houses seemed yet to linger a sick- 
ening smell of burning ; I passed the racket court, the mess- 
house, and other public buildings all more or less ruined ; the 
disgusting vultures, either sitting on the blackened walls, or 
prowling about among the ruins, were not scared at the approach 
of the carriage, and even the jackals stopped and looked at me^ 
as if they had a right now to despise us. On my way back I 
passed a bazar, the natives of which looked so maliciously at 
me that I felt quite frightened ; for had they chosen to drag me 
out of the can'iage, there was nothing to prevent them. This 
rather took away from the pleasure of the drive, and I was very 
thankful to return to the protection of the gloomy walls of the 
fort. I passed many equestrians, some of them grotesquely 
attired, and soldiers returning from their walk. 

I was glad to find myself in my own little room again, and 
baby all well. 

So passed the days away. On the 10th of October the enemy 
gave battle, and were beaten by our forces. 

The Sikhs brought their prisoners into the fort most tri- 
umphantly. One Sikh was dragging in a Sepoy, who was 
struggling. " You won't struggle long," said the Sikh, "for 
you will soon be hanged." The Sepoy replied, " I do n't care ; 
for I have just killed two of your brothers." "Have you, you 
pig ?" cried the Sikh, "then I will take you no further;" and 
with that he cut off his head. Captain Meade told us he saw 



A lady's escape from gwalior. 185 

the head the next morning lying near the Delhi gate, with a 
ghastly gi'in of defiance on its face. 

It was not till the 12th of September that our final exit from 
Agi-a was made. Christmas was spent in Delhi — Mooltan 
was reached eaily in February We took the steamer for Bom- 
bay on the 16th, and landed in Bombay the 9th of March. 

We sailed in the evening of the 18th for England, and the 
moon, which had just risen, cast a soft flood of light over the 
clear blue sea, and the white houses and green trees of Bombay 
sloping down to the water. I had soon taken my last look of 
India, and its myriads of people — most of whom are black at 
heart — its burning sun, and all the scenes of horror I had 
witnessed. 

We had a prosperous voyage, but had to wait a week in 
Egypt ; which, however, gave us the pleasure of seeing the 
pyramids, the bazars, for which Cairo is celebrated, the petri- 
fied forest, Heliopolis, and other relics of this interesting land, 
which never can be surpassed or equaled in beauty, wonders, 
and grandeur. 

At Alexandria I parted with great regret from Mrs. Blake, 
who had been my kind friend and fellow-sufferer since the 14th 
of June, 1857. She was going via Marseilles to Paris. 

On the 26th of April, 1858, the "Ripon" arrived at South- 
ampton, where I was met by my father, and I again stood on 
the shore of dear old England ; which, if I did not kiss, I 
embraced in vaj heart. Ah ! thought I, you who dwell in this 
land can never value enough the privilege of living in a country 
where freedom reigns in deed as well as in word, where Chris- 
tianity is universal, and which is ruled by a sovereign who sets 

to all her siibjects a good and noble example. 

16 



186 HEROES OP THE INDIAN REBELLION. 



THE STORY OF CAWNPORE. 

BY CAPTAIN MOWBRAY THOMPSON, ONE OF THE ONLY TWO STJRVIVORS 
FROM THE CAWNPORE GARRISON. 

CAWNPORE. 

In December, 1856, my regiment, tlie 53d Native Infantry, 
was ordered to Cawnpore. 

The 53d Native Infantry was a fine regiment, about a 
thousand strong, almost all of them Oude men, averaging five 
feet, eight inches in hight ; their uniform the old Biitish red, 
with yellow facings. By far the greater number of them being 
high-caste men, they were regarded by the native populace as 
very aristocratic and stylish gentlemen, and yet their pay would 
sound to English ears as any thing but compatible with the 
hight of gentility — namely, seven rupees a man per month — out 
of which exorbitant sum they provided all their own food, and 
a suit of summer clothing. Be astonished, ye beef-eating 
Guardsmen ! The greater number of these swarthy Sepoys 
were able to defray all the cost of their food with three rupees 
each a month. Thoroughly disciplined and martial in appear- 
ance, these native troops presented one memorable point of 
contrast with European forces — drunkenness was altogether 
unknown among them. 

The city of Cawnpore, which has obtained such a painful noto- 
riety in connection with the mutiny of 1857, is distant from Cal- 
cutta 628 miles by land, 954 by water, and 266 miles south-east 
from Delhi ; it is the principal town in the district of the Doab 
formed by the Ganges and the Jumna, and is situated on the 



THE STORY OF CAWNPORE. 187 

rigtt "bank of the queen of the Indian rivers. At the period 
of the dismemberment of the Mogul empire this district passed 
into the hands of the Nawauh of Oude. 

By the treaty of Fyzabad, in 1775, the East India Company 
engaged to supply a brigade for the defense of the frontiers of 
Oude, and Cawnpore was selected as the station for that force ; 
a subsidy being paid by the protected country for the mainte- 
nance of the troops. Subsequently, in 1801, Lord Wellesley 
commuted this payment for the surrender of the district to the 
Company's territory, and thus gained an important barrier 
against the threatened invasion of the south, from Cabul and 
Afghanistan. Cawnpore immediately rose into one of the 
most important of the Company's garrisons. 

The cantonments, which are quite distinct from the native 
city, are spread over an extent of six miles, in a semicircular 
form, along the bank of the river, and contain an area of ten 
square miles. Hundreds of bungalows, the residences of the 
officers, stand in the midst of gardens, and these interspersed 
with forest trees, the barracks of the troops, with a separate 
bazar for each regiment, and the canvas town of the tented 
regiments, give to the tout ensemble a picturesque effect as seen 
from the river. On the highest ground in the cantonments 
stand the church and the assembly rooms ; in another part a 
theater, in which amateur performances were occasionally given; 
and a cafe supported by piablic subscription. In the officers' 
gardens, which were among the best in India, most kinds of 
European vegetables thrived, while peaches, melons, mangoes, 
shaddocks, limes, oranges, plantains, guavas, and custard ap- 
ples were abundant. Fish, flesh, and fowl are always plentiful, 
and in the season for game, quails, snipes, and wild ducks can 
be had cheap enough. The ortolan, which in Europe is the 
gourmand's despair, during the hot winds, is seen in such dense 
flights that fifty or sixty might be brought down at a shot. In 
winter the temperature falls low enough to freeze water, which 



188 HEROES OP THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

for this purpose is exposed in shallow earthen pans, and then 
collected into capacious ice-houses, to furnish the exotic resi- 
dents with the luxury so indispensable to their comfort during 
the hot season, when this becomes one of the hottest .stations 
in India. Besides all these indigenous supplies, the far travel- 
ing spirit of commerce is not unmindful of the numerous per- 
sonal wants which John Bull carries with him all the world 
over. In the cold season, boating and horse-racing were the 
diversions most patronized by the officers ; au teste, drill, pa- 
rade, and regimental orders, varied by an occasional court mar- 
tial upon some swarthy delinquent, mails home and mails from 
home, morning calls, and evening dinners, formed the chief 
avocations of all seasons. 

The breadth of the Ganges at Cawnpore, in the dry season, is 
about five hundred yards, but when the rains have filled up its 
bed it becomes more than a mile across. Navigable for light 
craft downward to the sea 1,000 miles, and up the country 
300 miles, the scene which the river presents is full of life and 
variety ; at the ghaut, or landing-place, a busy trade is con- 
stantly plying. A bridge of boats constructed by the Govern- 
ment, and for the passage of which a toll is charged, serves to 
conduct a ceaseless throng over into Oude. Merchants, trav- 
elers, fakirs, camels, bullocks, horses, go and come inces- 
santly. Moored in-shore are multitudes of vessels, looking 
with their thatched roofs like a floating village, while down the 
stream the pinnace with her thin, light masts and tight rigging, 
the clumsy-looking budgerow with its stern high above the 
bows, and the country boats like drifting stacks, with their 
crews rowing, singing, and smoking, give such a diversity to 
the scene as no other river can boast. The great Trunk Eoad 
which passes close by the city, brings up daily relays of trav- 
elers and detachments of troops to the northward, all of whom 
halt at Cawnpore, and the railroad, which is now complete 
from Allahabad, will yet further enhance the busy traffic at this 



THE STORY OF CAWNPORE. 189 

station. The cantonments have not unfrequently contained as 
many as 6,000 troops, and these increased by the crowd of 
camp-followers, have made the population of the military ba- 
zars 50,000 in number. 

The native city is densely packed and closely built as all the 
human hives of the east are, and it contained at the time of 
the mutiny about 60,000 inhabitants. It has only one good 
avenue, which may be called its Broadway, the Chandnee- 
choke. This street is about three hundred yards long and 
thirty-five yards in breadth, and is filled with the shops of sad- 
dlers, silk merchants, and dealers in the fine fabrics and cunning 
workmanship in gold and silver, that from time immemorial 
have attracted western barbarians to the splendid commerce of 
the east. The principal productions of the city are, however, 
saddlery and shoes, the former of which is especially popular 
throughout India for its excellence and cheapness ; a set of good 
single-horse driving harness costs from twenty-five to fifty 
shillings, and the equestrian can equip himself luxuriantly with 
bridle, saddle, etc., for thirty shillings. Country horses, as 
they are called, sell for about a hundred rupees, but Arabs 
brought down the Persian Gulf and across from Bombay are 
the chief favorites, and command a high price. 

At the period wdth which this narrative commences, the fol- 
lowing regiments constituted the force occupying the Cawnpore 
garrison : the 1st, 53d, and 56th Native Infantry ; the 2d Cav- 
alry, and a company of artillerymen — all of these being Sepoys, 
and about 3,000 in number. 

The European residents consisted of the officers attached to 
the Sepoy regiments ; 60 men of the 84th Regiment ; 74 men 
of the 32d Regiment, who were invalided ; 15 men of the 
Madras Fusileers, and 59 men of the Company's Artillery — 
about 300 combatants in all. In addition to these there were 
the wives, children, and native servants of the officei's ; 300 
half-caste children belonging to the Cawnpore school ; mer- 



190 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

chants — some Europeans and others Eurasians — shopkeepers, 
railway officials, and their families. Some of the civilians at 
the station were permanently located there, others had escaped 
from disturbances in the surrounding districts ; the entire com- 
pany included considerably more than a thousand Europeans. 

General Sir Hugh Wheeler, K. C. B., was the commandant 
of the division, and Mr. Hillersden the magistrate of the C awn- 
pore district. 

The iirst intimation that appeared of any disaffection in the 
minds of the natives was the circulation of chupatties and lotus 
leaves. Early in March it was reported that a chowkedar, or 
village policeman, of Cawnpore, had run up to one of his com- 
rades and had given him two chupatties. These are unleavened 
cakes made of flour, water, and salt ; the mode of telegraphing 
by their means was for the cakes to be eaten in the presence of 
the giver, and fresh ones made by the newly-initiated one, who 
in his turn distributed them to new candidates for participation 
in the mystery. The chupatties were limited to civilians ; and 
lotus leaves, the emblem of war, were in like manner handed 
about among the soldiery. Various speculations were made by 
Europeans as to the import of this extreme activity in the cir- 
culation of these occult harbingers of the mutiny, but they sub- 
sided into an impression that they formed some portion of the 
native superstitions. And no one dreamed, like the man in 
Gideon's camp, who saw the barley-cake overturn the tents of 
Midian, that these farinaceous weapons were aimed at the over- 
throw of the British rule in India. 

Upon the 14th of May intelligence reached us of the revolt 
at Meerut and the subsequent events at Delhi ; but no appre- 
hension was felt of treachery on the part of our own troops. A 
few Sepoys, who had been for instruction to the school of 
musketry at Umballa, returned to their respective regiments, 
and they were amicably received, and allowed to eat with their 
own caste, although they had been using the Enfield rifle and 



THE STORY OF CAWNPORE. 191 

the suspected, cartridges. One of these men — ^IMhan Khan — a 
Mussulman private of the 53d, brought with him specimens of 
the cartridges, to assure his comrades that no animal fat had 
heen employed in their construction. It may be as well to 
state that the first installment of these notorious cartridges 
which were sent out from England, and intended for the use 
of the Queen's troops, were, without doubt, abundantly offens- 
ive to the Feringhees as well as to the faithful, and from the 
nauseous odor which accompanied them quite equal to breeding 
a pestilence, if not adequate to the task which has been 
attributed to them of causing the mutiny. 

THE MUTINY. 

Two or three days after the arrival of the tidings from Delhi 
of the massacre which had been perpetrated in the old city of 
the Moguls, Mrs. Fraser, the wife of an officer in the 27th Na- 
tive Infantry, reached our cantonments, having traveled dak 
from that scene of bloodshed and revolt. The native driver, 
who had taken her up in the precincts of the city, brought 
her faithfully to the end of her hazardous journey of two hun- 
dred and sixty-six miles. The exposure which she had under- 
gone was evident from a bullet that had pierced the carriage. 
Her flight from Delhi was but the beginning of the sorrows of 
this unfortunate lady, though she deserves rather to be com- 
memorated for her virtues than her sufferings. During the 
horrors of the siege she won the admiration of all our party 
by her indefatigable attentions to the wounded. Neither dan- 
ger nor fatigue seemed to have power to suspend her ministry 
of mercy. Even on the fatal morning of embarkation, al- 
though she had escaped to the boats with scarcely any clothing 
upon her, in the thickest of the deadly volleys poured upon us 
from the banks, she appeared alike indifferent to danger and to 
her own scanty covering ; while, with perfect equanimity and 
imperturbed fortitude, she was entirely occupied in the attempt 



192 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

to soothe and relieve the agonized sufferers around her, whose 
wounds scarcely made their condition worse than her own. 
Such rare heroism deserves a far higher tribute than this simple 
record from my pen ; but I feel a mournful satisfaction in pub- 
lishing a fact which a more experienced scribe would have 
depicted in language more worthy of the subject, though not 
with admiration or regret deeper or more sincere than that which 
I feel. Mrs. Fraser was one of the party recaptured from the 
boats, and is reported to have died from fever before the terrific 
butchery that immediately preceded General Havelock's recap- 
ture of C awn pore. 

About the 20th of May intelligence came that all communi- 
cations with Delhi were now entirely suspended. The road 
northward was infested with dacoits and liberated convicts, 
and all Europeans traveling in that direction were compelled to 
tarry in our cantonments. Our parades still continued with 
their accustomed regularity ; no suspicion was uttered, if en- 
tertained, of the fidelity of our Sepoys, although serious appre- 
hension began to be felt of the probability of an attack from 
without, more especially as we were known to be in possession 
of a considerable amount of Government treasure. 

The Mohammedan festival of the Eede passed off quietly, 
and the Mussulmans gave the salaam to their officers, and 
assured us that, come what would, they would stand faithfully 
to their leaders. A fire broke out in the lines of the 1st Na- 
tive Infantry in the night of the 20th, which was supposed to 
be the work of an incendiary, and the probable signal for re- 
volt ; six guns were accordingly run down to a preconcerted 
place of rendezvous, and the Sepoys were ordered to extinguish 
the flames ; this was done promptly, and the cause of the fire 
was found to have been accidental. Day after day news came 
of the growth of the storm. Etawah and Allyghurh, both 
towns between Delhi and Cawnpoi-e, were plundered, and the 
insurgents were reported as en route for Cawnpore. The ser- 



THE STOKY OP CAWNPORE. 193 

geant-major's wife of the 53d, an Eurasian by birth, went mar- 
keting to the native bazar, when she was accosted by a Sepoy 
out of regimental dress, " You will none of you come here 
much oftener ; you will not be alive another week." She re- 
ported her story at headquarters, but it was thought advisable 
to discredit the tale. Several of us at this period endeavored 
to persuade the ladies to leave the station and retreat to Cal- 
cutta for safety ; but they unanimously declined to remove so 
long as General Wheeler retained his family with him. 

Determined, self-possessed, and fearless of danger, Sir Hugh 
Wheeler now made arrangements for the protection of the 
women and children. A mud wall, four feet high, was thrown 
up round the old dragoon hospital. The buildings thus 
intrenched were two brick structures, one thatched, the other 
roofed with masonry. On the 21st of May the women and 
children were all ordered into these barracks, the officers still 
sleeping at the quarter-guards in the lines with their respective 
corps. Around the intrenchments the guns were placed, three 
on the north-east side commanding the lines, and three on the 
south to range the plain which separates the cantonments from 
the city. A small three-pounder, which had been rifled by 
Lieutenant Fosbury a year or two before, was also brought into 
use, and placed so as to command the new barracks which 
were in course of erection ; this piece, however, could only be 
used for grape, as there was no conical shot in store. A few 
days afterward, Lieutenant Ashe, of the Bengal Artillery, ar- 
rived from Lucknow with a half battery, consisting of two 
nine-pounders and one twenty-four-potmder howitzer. 
At length the much-dreaded explosion came. On the night of 
the 6th of June the 2d Cavalry broke out. They first set fire 
to the riding-master's bungalow, and then fled, carrying off 
with them horses, arms, colors, and the regimental treasure- 
chest. The old soubhadar-major of the regiment defended the 

colors and treasure, which were in the quarter-guard, as long as 

17 



194 HEROES OF THE INDIAN KEBELLION. 

he could, and the poor old fellow was found in the morning 
severely wounded, and lying in his blood at his post. This 
was the only instance of any native belonging to that regi- 
ment who retained his fidelity. The old man remained with 
us, and was killed by a shell in the intrenchment. An hour or 
two after the flight of the cavalry, the 1st Native Infantry also 
bolted, leaving their officers untouched upon the parade-ground. 
The 56th Native Infantry followed the next morning. The 
53d remained, till, by some error of the General, they were 
fired into. I am at an utter loss to account for this proceeding. 
The men were peacefully occupied in their lines, cooking ; no 
signs of mutiny had appeared amidst their ranks ; thej'- had 
refused all the solicitations of the deserters to accompany them, 
and seemed quite steadfast, when Ashe's battery opened upon 
them by Sir Hugh Wheeler's command, and they were liter- 
ally driven from us by nine-pounders. The only signal that 
had preceded this step was the calling in to the intrenchments 
of the native officers of the regiment. The whole of them 
cast in their lot with us, besides a hundred and fifty privates, 
most of them belonging to the Grenadier company. The de- 
tachment of the 53d, posted at the treasury, held their ground 
against the rebels about four hours. We could hear their mus- 
ketry in the distance, but were not allowed to attempt their 
relief. The faithful little band that had joined our desperate 
fortunes was ordered to occupy the military hospital, about 
six hundred yards to the east of our position, and they held it 
for nine days, when, in consequence of its being set on fire, 
they were compelled to evacuate. They applied for admission 
to the intrenchments, but were told that we had not food suffi- 
cient to allow of an increase to our number. Major Hillersden 
gave them a few rupees each, together with a certificate of their 
fidelity. Had it been possible to have received these men, they 
would have constituted a powerful addition to our force, just 
as the few gallant remnants of the native regiments at Luck- 



THE STORY OF CAWNPORB. 195 

now did throughout the second edition of the Cawnpore siege, 
as it was enacted in the Oude capital. 

The name most familiarly associated with the events of the 
mutiny is that home hy a man whose history is almost unknown 
out of India. And as Nana Sahib will always be identified 
with the sanguinary proceedings at Cawnpore, it will not he 
out of place to give the reader some idea of the antecedents of 
this notorious scoundrel. Seereek Dhoondoo Punth, or, as he 
is now universally called, the Nana — that is, grandson — and by 
the majority of newspaper readers Nana Sahib, is the adopted 
son of the late Bajee Rao, who was Peishaw of Poonah, and 
the last of the Mahratta kings. Driven by his faithlessness and 
uncontrollable treachery to dethrone the old man, the British 
Government assigned him a residence at Bithoor, twelve miles 
from Cawnpore, where he dwelt till his death in 1851, at a 
safe distance from all Mahratta associations, but, as to his own 
personal condition, in most sumptuous and right regal splendor. 
Bajee Rao was sonless, a deplorable condition in the estimation 
of a Brahmin prince ; he, therefore, had recourse to adoption, 
and Seereek Dhoondoo Punth was the favored individual of his 
selection. Some say that the Nana is really the son of a corn- 
dealer of Poonah ; others, that he is the offspring of a poor 
Konkanee Brahmin, and that he first saw the light at Venn, a 
miserable little village about thirty miles east of Bombay. 
Shortly after the death of Bajee Rao, the Nana presented a 
claim upon the East India Company for a continuance of the 
pension allowed to the old Mahratta. As the allowance made 
to the king was purely in the form of an annuity, the demand 
of the heir to all his private property to enjoy a share of the 
Indian revenue was most emphatically denied. Hence the 
vigorous venom which he imparted to the enterprise of the 
mutineers. It is always a matter of difficulty to decide upon 
the exact age of an Asiatic, but I should consider the Nana to 
be about thirty-six years old. With greater confidence I can 



196 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

add, that lie is extremely corpulent, of sallow complexion, of 
middle hight, with thoroughly-marked features, and, like all 
Mahrattas, clean shaven on both head and face. He does not 
speak a word of English. 

Bithoor palace, which he inherited from his benefactor, is a 
well-situated town. It has several Hindoo temples, and ghauts, 
which give access to the sacred stream. Brahma is specially 
reverenced here. At the principal ghaut he is said to have 
offered an aswamedha on completing the act of creation. The 
pin of his slipper, left behind him on the occasion, is fastened 
into one of the steps of the ghaut, and is the object of wor- 
ship. There is an annual gathering to this spot at the full 
moon of November, which attracts prodigious numbers of 
devotees, and contributes quite as much to the prosperity of the 
town as it does to the piety of the pilgrims. The palace was 
spacious, and though not remarkable for any architectural 
beauty, was exquisitely furnished in European style. All the 
reception-rooms were decorated with immense mirrors and 
massive chandeliers in variegated glass, and of the most recent 
manufacture : the floor was covered with the finest productions 
of the Indian looms, and all the appurtenances of eastern 
splendor were strewed about in prodigious abundance. There 
were saddles of silver for both horses and camels, guns of every 
possible construction, shields inlaid with gold, carriages for 
camel-driving, and the newest turn-outs from Long Acre ; 
plate, gems, and curiosities in ivory and metal ; while without 
in the compound might be seen the fleetest horses, the finest 
dogs, and rare specimens of deer, antelopes, and other animals 
from all parts of India. It would be quite impossible to lift 
the vail that must rest on the private life of this man. There 
were apartments in the Bithoor palace horribly unfit for any 
human eye ; in which both European and native artists had 
done their utmost to gratify the corrupt master, from whom 
they could command any price. 



THE STORY OF CAWNPORE. 197 

It was frequently the custom of the Nana to entertain the* 
officers of the Gawnpore garrison in the most sumptnous style; 
although he would accept none of their hospitality in return, 
because no salute was permitted in his honor. I have been a 
guest in those halls when costly festivities were provided for the 
very persons who were at length massacred by their quondam 
host ; and I was there also when Havelock's Ironsides gave 
their entertainment, shattering to powder all that was fragile, 
in revenge for the atrocities lying uni'equited at those doors. 
For downright looting commend me to the hirsute Sikh ; for 
destructive aggression, battering, and but-ending, the palm 

must be awarded to the privates of Her Britannic Majesty's 

Regiment. " Look what I have found 1" said a too demon- 
strative individual of the last-named corps, at the same time 
holding up a bag-full of rupees for the gaze of his comrades, 
when an expert Sikh with a blow of his tulwar cut the canvas 
that held the treasure, and sent the glittering spoil flying 
among the eager spectators. 

A large portion of the Nana's plate was found in the wells 
around the palace ; gold dishes, some of them as much as two 
feet in diameter ; silver jugs ; spittoons of both gold and 
silver, that had been used by the betel-eating Brahmin, were 
fished up, and proved glorious prizes for somebody. Every 
cranny in the house was explored, floors were removed, par- 
titions pulled down, and every square foot on the surface of the 
adjacent grounds pierced and dug in the search after spoil. 
Brazier's Sikhs have the credit of carrying off Bajee Rao's 
state sword, which, in consequence of its magnificent setting 
in jewels, is said to have been worth at least thirty thousand 
pounds. The most portable of his riches the Nana carried 
with him in his flight. The natives say that immediately be- 
fore the insurrection at Meerut he sold out seventy lacs of 
government paper — £70,000. One ruby of great size and brill- 
iancy he is alleged to have sold recently for ten thousand rupees 



198 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. , 

it 

to a native banker ; the tradition is, that he carried this gem con- 
tinually about his person, intending, should he be driven to ex- 
tremities, to destroy himself by swallowing it ; a curious mode of 
suicide, the efficacy of which I am not prepared' either to dis- 
pute or to defend ; my informant told me that the sharp edges 
of the ruby would cut through the vitals, and speedily destroy 
life. The Nana's dignity was enhanced by the presence of 
a few hundred armed retainers, with whom he played the 
rajah ; the pay of each of these men was four rupees a month 
and a suit of clothes per annum, foraging performed on their 
own accoimt. It would have been quite a work of supereroga- 
tion for the Oude and Mahratta princes to have fed their troops, 
as they always knew where to find copious supplies at a nomi- 
nal price. Their perpetual rapine made them a curse to the 
poor ryots, who were never safe from their extortions and 
pillage. 

The only Englishman resident at Bithoor was a Mr. Todd, 
who had come out in the employment of the Grand Trunk 
railroad, but for some reason had exchanged his situation for 
that of teacher of English to the household of his Excellency 
Seereek Dhoondoo Pimth. Mr. Todd was allowed to join us 
in the intrenchment ; when the siege began he was appointed 
to my picket, and was one of those who perished at the time 
of embarkation. 

The following little incident will serve to show the extreme 
servility of the most exalted of Hindoo potentates to the des- 
potic sway of their spiritual guides. Once upon a time Seereek 
Dhondoo Punth had committed some peccadillo which had 
awakened all the indignation and abhorrence of his pimdits and 
priests. Now it so fell out that at the same time, or sufficiently 
near about thereto for the object of their holinesses, the capricious 
Ganges, having formed a sand-bank under the walls of Bithoor, 
was diverted from its ancient course, so as to threaten the Res- 
idency with a scarcity of water. The priests persuaded their 



THE STORY OF CAWNPORE. 199 

devotee that this was a visitation consequent npon his sin, and 
implored him, as he valued his own life and that of his peasant- 
ry, to propitiate the sacred stream. The offering proposed was 
to be pecuniary ; the amount, one lac of rupees ; the mode of 
presentation, casting them into the bed of the river ; the period, 
an early date chosen by lot. These cautious and speculative 
gentlemen forthwith proceeded to underlay the waters with some 
good, stout sail-cloth ; at the appointed time they indicated the 
precise spot at which only the offering could be efiacacious : this 
also, no doubt, was chosen by lot. The Nana, in great state, 
made his costly libation, and somebody removed the sail-cloth; 
but, alas ! the Ganges did not return. 

When Havelock's force paid their first visit to Bithoor, they 
found the place deserted, but the guns in position and loaded. 
This is said to have been done by Narrein Rao, the son of the 
old Mahratta's Commander-in-chief. This man welcomed the 
English troops on their arrival, and alleged that he had pointed 
the guns as a feint to make the rebels believe that he was about 
to attack General Havelock's advancing columns. Certain it is 
that this man and the Nana had always been in hot water. 
Narrein Rao very energetically sided with the General ; he found 
supplies and horses for the police. It seems decidedly more 
than probable that the lion's share of the Bithoor valuables 
fell to Narrein, as he was conveniently on the spot when the 
retreaters evacuated, and had the additional advantage of know- 
ing better where to look for things than the inexperienced fresh 
arrivals difl. I must not, however, speak to the disparagement 
of this gentleman, because when I left Cawnpore for England, 
he presented me with a fine pearl ring as a proof of the esteem 
in which he is pleased to hold me ; some persons might think 
its intrinsic value increased because it once adorned the Nana's 
hand. 

Less known in England by report, though better known by 
virtue of personal acquaintance, and a far more remarkable 



200 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

individual than the Nana, is he who bears the name — Azimoolah 
Khan. This man's adventures are of the kind, for their nu- 
merous transitions and mysterious alternations, that belong 
only to eastern story. I can easily imagine that the bare men- 
tion of his name will have power sufficient to cause some trepi- 
dation and alarm to a few of my fair readers ; but I will betray 
no confidences. Read on, my lady, no names shall be divulged, 
only should some unpleasant recollection of our hero's fascina- 
tion be called to mind, let them serve as a warning against the 
too confiding disposition which once betrayed you into a hasty 
admiration of this swarthy adventurer. Azimoolah was orig- 
inally a khitmutghar — waiter at table — in some Anglo-Indian 
family ; profiting by the opportunity thus afforded him, he ac- 
quired a thorough acquaintance with the English and P'rench 
languages, so as to be able to read and converse fluently, and 
write accurately in them both. He afterward became a pupil, 
and subsequently a teacher, in the Cawnpore government 
schools, and from the last-named position he was selected to 
become the vakeel, or prime agent, of the Nana. On account 
of his numerous qualifications he was deputed to visit England, 
and press upon the authorities in Leadenhall-street the applica- 
tion for the continuance of Bajee Rao's pension. Azimoolah 
accordingly reached London in the season of 1854. Passing 
himself off as an Indian prince, and being thoroughly furnished 
with ways and means, and having withal a most presentable 
contour, he obtained admission to distinguished society. In 
addition to the political business which he had in hand, he was 
at one time prosecuting a suit of his own of a more delicate 
character ; but, happily for our fair countrywoman, who was 
the object of his attentions, her friends interfered and saved her 
from becoming an item in the harem of this Mohammedan 
polygamist. Foiled in all his attempts to obtain the pension 
for his employer, he returned to India via France ; and report 
says that he there renewed his endeavors to form a European 



THE STORY OF CAWNPOEE. 201 

alliance for his own individual benefit. I believe that Azimoo- 
lah took the way of Constantinople also on his homeward 
route. Howbeit this was just at the time when prospects were 
gloomy in the Crimea, and the opinion was actually promul- 
gated throughout the continental nations that the struggle with 
Russia had crippled the resources, and humbled the high crest 
of England ; and by some it was thought she would henceforth 
be scarcely able to hold her own against bolder and abler hands. 
Doubtless the wish was father to the thought. It is matter of 
notoriety that such vaticinations as these were at the period in 
question current from Calais to Cairo, and it is not unlikely 
that the poor comfort Azimoolah could give the Nana, in re- 
porting on his unsuccessful journey, would be in some measure 
compensated for, by the tidings that the Feringhees were ruined, 
and that one decisive blow would destroy their yoke in the east. 
I believe that the mutiny had its origin in the diffusion of such 
statements at Delhi, Lucknow, and other teeming cities in 
India. Subtile, intriguing, politic, unscrupulous, and blood- 
thirsty, sleek and wary as a tiger, this man betrayed no ani- 
mosity to us till the outburst of the mutiny, and then he became 
the presiding genius in the assault on Cawnpore. I regret that 
his name does not appeai% as it certainly ought to have done, 
upon the list of outlaws published by the Governor-General ; 
for this Azimoolah was the actual murderer of our sisters and 
their babes. When Havelock's men cleared out Bithoor, they 
found most expressive traces of the success he had obtained in 

his ambitious pursuit of distinction in England, in the shape 

of letters from titled ladies couched in the terms of most 

courteous friendship. Little could they have suspected the true 

character of their honored correspondent. 

On one occasion, shortly after the report of the emeute at 

Meerut had reached us, Azimoolah met Lieutenant M. G. 

Daniell, of our garrison, and said to him, pointing toward 

our intrenched barrack : 



202 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

" What do you call that place you are making out in the 
plain ?" 

"I am sure I don't know," was the reply. Azimoolah sug- 
gested it should be named the fort of despair. 

"No," said Daniell ; "we will call it the fort of victory." 

"Aha! aha!" replied the wily eastern, with a silent sneer 
that betrayed the lurking mischief. 

Lieutenant Daniell had been a great favorite at Bithoor ; on 
one occasion the Nana took off a valuable diamond ring from 
his own hand, and gave it to him, as a present. Poor Daniell 
survived the siege, but was wounded in my boat, during the 
embarkation, by a musket-shot in the temple, but whether he 
perished in the river> or was carried back to Cawnpore, I can 
not say ; he was quite young, scarcely of age, but brave to ad- 
miration, a fearless horseman, foremost in all field sports, and 
universally beloved for his great amiability. On one occasion 
during the siege, while we were making a sortie to clear the 
adjacent barracks of some of our' assailants, Daniell and I 
heard sounds of struggling in a room close at hand ; rushing 
in together, we saw Captain Moore, our second in command, 
lying on the ground under the grasp of a powerful native, who 
was on the point of cutting the Captain's throat. A fall from 
his horse a few days previously, resulting in a broken collar- 
bone, had disabled Moore, and rendered him unequal to such 
a rencounter ; he would certainly have been killed had not 
Daniell's bayonet instantly transfixed the Sepoy. 

Early on the morning of Sunday the 7th of June, all the offi- 
cers were called into the intrenchments, in consequence of the 
reception of a letter by Sir Hugh Wheeler from the Nana, in 
which he declared his intention of at once attacking us. With 
such expedition was the summons obeyed, that we were com- 
pelled to leave all our goods and chattels to fall a prey to the 
ravages of the Sepoys ; and after they had appropriated all 
movables of value they set fire to the bungalows. While in 



THE STORY OF CAWNPORE. 203 

happy England the Sahhath hells were ringing, in the day of 
peace and rest, we were in suspense peering over our mud wall 
at the destructive flames that were consuming all our pos- 
sessions, aud expecting the more dreaded fire that was to he 
aimed at the persons of hundreds of women and children ahout 
us. Very few of our numher had secured a single change of 
raiment ; some, like myself, were only partially dressed, and 
even in the heginning of our defense, we were like a band of 
seafarers who had taken to a raft to escape their burning ship. 
Upon my asking Brigadier Jack if I might run to the cafe for 
some refreshment, he informed me that the General's order was 
most peremptory that not a soul should be permitted to leave 
our quarters, as the attack was momentarily expected. In the 
course of a short time the whole of the men capable of bearing 
arms were called together, and told off in batches under their 
respective officers. A reference to the engraved plan of the 
position, will enable the reader to understand the following de- 
tails of the defense : 

On the north, Major Vihart of the 2d Cavalry, assisted by 
Captain Jenkins, held the Redan, which was an earth-work de- 
fending the whole of the northern side. At the north-east 
battery, Lieutenant Ashe, of the Oude Irregular Artillery, com- 
manded one twenty-four-pounder howitzer and two nine-pound- 
ers, assisted by Lieutenant Sotheby. Captain Kempland, 56th 
Native Infantry, was posted on the south side. Lieutenant 
Eckford, of the Artillery, had charge of the south-east battery 
with three nine-pounders, assisted by Lieutenant Burney, also 
of the Artillery, and Lieutenant Delafosse, of the 53d Native 
Infantry. The main-guard, from south to west, was held by 
Lieutenant Turnbull, 13th Native Infantry. On the west. 
Lieutenant C. Dempster commanded three nine-pounders, as- 
sisted by Lieutenant Martin. Flanking the west battery the 
little rifled three-pounder was stationed, with a detachment 
under the command of Major Prout, 56th Native Infantry ; and 



204 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

on the north-west Captain Whiting held the command. The 
general command of the artillery was given to Colonel Larkins, 
but in consequence of the shattered state of that officer's health, 
he was able to take but a small part in the defense. At each of 
the batteries, infantry were posted fifteen paces apart, under the 
cover of the mud wall, four feet in bight ; this service was 
shared by combatants and non-combatants alike, without any 
relief ; each man had at least three loaded muskets by his side, 
with bayonet fixed in case of assault ; but in most instances 
our trained men had as many as seven, and even eight muskets 
each. The batteries were none of them masked or fortified in 
any way, and the gunners were in consequence exposed to a 
most murderous fire. It will be seen in the plan of the siege 
that a number of barracks running up from the Allahabad Road 
commanded our intrenchments. On this account a detachment 
of our limited force was placed in one of them. They consisted 
chiefly of civil engineers who had been connected with the rail- 
way works. The whole of these arrangements for the defense 
were made by General Wheeler and Captain Moore, of Her 
Majesty's 32d Foot. As soon as all these positions had been 
occupied. Lieutenant Ashe, with about twenty or thirty volun- 
teers, took his guns out to reconnoiter, as we heard the sound 
of the approaching foe. After going out about five hundred 
yards, they caught sight of the ene;ny, in possession of one of 
the canal bridges, close by the lines of the 1st Native Infantry. 
They came back at a trot into the intrenchment ; but Lieutenant 
Ashburner, who was one of the number, was never seen or heard 
of again. It was supposed that his horse bolted with him into 
the Sepoy ranks, and that he was cut up by them instantly. Mr. 
Murphy, who had been attached to the railway corps, went out 
of the intrenchments and came back severely wounded by a 
tnusket-ball ; he died the same day, and was the only one of 
our slain buried in a coffin, one having been found in the 
hospital. This gentleman, and Mrs. Wade, who died of fever. 



THE STORY OF CAWNPORE. 205 

were the only persons interred inside the intrenchment. Shortly- 
after the return of Lieutenant Ashe, the first shot fired by the 
mutineers came from a nine-pounder, on the north-west ; it 
struck the crest of the mud wall and glided over into the 
puckah-roofed barrack. This was about 10 o'clock, A. M. ; 
a large party of ladies and children were outside the barrack ; 
the consternation caused among them was indescribable ; the 
bugle-call sent every man of us instantly to his post, many of 
us carrying in our ears, for the first time, the peculiar whizzing 
of round shot, with which we were to become so familiar. As 
the day advanced the enemy's fire grew hotter and more dan- 
gerous, in consequence of their getting the guns into position. 
The first casualty occurred at the west battery ; M'Guire, a 
gunner, being killed by a round shot ; the poor fellow was 
covered with a blanket and left in the trench till nightfall. 
Several of us saw the ball bounding toward us, and he also 
evidently saw it, but, like many others whom I saw fall at 
different times, he seemed fascinated to the spot. All through 
this first weary day the shrieks of the women and children were 
terrific ; as often as the balls struck the walls of the barracks 
their wailings were heart-rending, but after the initiation of 
that first day, they had learned silence, and never uttered a 
sound except when groaning from the horrible mutilations they 
had to endure. When night sheltered them, our cowardly as- 
sailants closed in upon the intrenchments, and harassed us 
with incessant volleys of musketry. Waiting the assault that 
we supposed to be impending, not a man closed his eyes in 
sleep, and throughout the whole siege, snatches of troubled 
slumber under the cover of the wall, was all the relief the com- 
batants could obtain. The ping-ping of rifle bullets would 
break short dreams of home or of approaching relief, pleasant 
visions made horrible by waking to the state of things around ; 
and if it were so with men of mature years, sustained by the 
fullness of physical strength, how much more terrific were the 



206 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

nights passed inside those barracks by our women and children ! 
As often as the shout of our sentinels was heard, each half- 
hour sounding the " All 's well," the spot from which the voice 
proceeded became the center for hundreds of bullets. At dif- 
ferent degrees of distance, from fifty to four hundred yards and 
more, they hovered about during the hours of darkness, always 
measuring the range by daylight, and then pouring in from 
under the cover of adjacent buildings or ruins of buildings, the 
fire of their artillery, or rather of our artillery turned against 
us. The execution committed by the twenty-four-pounders 
they had was terrific, though they were not always a match for 
the devices we adopted to divert their aim. When we wanted 
to create a diversion, we used to pile up some of the muskets 
behind the mud wall, and mount them with hats and shakos, 
and then allow the Sepoys to expend their powder on these 
dummies, while we went elsewhere. 

But if the intrenched position was one of peril, that of the 
out-picket in barrack No. 4 was even more so. The railway 
gentlemen held this post for three entire days, without any 
military superintendence whatever, and they distinguished 
themselves greatly by their skill and courage. I remember 
particularly Messrs. Heberden, Latouche, and Miller, as promi- 
nent in the midst of these undisciplined soldiers for their emi- 
nently good service. Their sharp sight and accurate knowledge 
of distances acquired in surveying, had made these gentlemen 
invaluable as marksmen, while still higher moral qualities con- 
stituted them an addition to our force not to be estimated by 
their numbers. 

INCIDENTS OF THE SIEGE. 

Our scanty dietary was occasionally improved by the addition 
of horse soup ; a Brahminee bull was shot, but the question 
was how to get the carcass. Presently a volunteer party was 
formed to take this bull by the horns — no trifle, since the distance 



THE STORY OP CAWNPORB. 207 

from the wall was full three hundred yards, and the project in- 
volved the certainty of encountering twice three hundred bullets. 
But beef Avas scarce, and led on by Captain Moore, eight or ten 
accordingly went out after the animal. They took with them a 
strong rope, fastened it round the hind legs and between the 
horns of the beast, and in the midst of the cheers from behind 
the mud wall, a sharp fusilade from the rebels, diversified with 
one or two roimd shots, they accomplished their object. Two 
or three ugly wounds were not thought too high a price to pay 
for this contribution to the commissariat. The costly bull was 
soon made into soup, but none of it reached us in the outposts 
more palpably than in its irritating odor. Sometimes, how- 
ever, we in the outposts had meat when there was none at head- 
quarters. We once saw the Sepoys bring up a nine-pounder to 
barrack No. 6, and great expectations were entertained that the 
half dozen artillery-bullocks employed in that piece of service 
might by a little ingenuity, or at least some of them, be shortly 
transformed into stew on our behalf. Not a few of my men 
would have given a right arm for a good cut out of the sides, 
and not a few of their officers would have bartered a letter of 
credit on the army agents for the same privilege. But the pan- 
dies artfully kept the horned treasure under cover. We watched 
the ends of the distant walls in vain. Some of our famished 
Esaus would have made for the cannon's mouth, and have sold 
their lives, but it might not be ; and our hungry disgust had 
well-nigh sunk into despair, when an old knacker came into 
range, that had belonged to an Irregular Cavalry-man. He 
was down by a shot like lightning, brought into the barrack, 
and hewn up. We did not wait to skin the prey, nor waste 
any time in consultation upon its anatomical arrangements ; no 
scientific butchery was considered necessary in its subdivision. 
Lump, thump, whack, went nondescript pieces of flesh into the 
fire, and, notwithstanding its decided claims to veneration on 
the score of antiquity, we thought it a more savory meal than 



208 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

any of the rechercM culinary curiosities of the lamented Soyer. 
The two pickets, thirty-four in number, disposed of the horse 
in two meals. The head, and some mysteries of the body, we 
stewed into soup, and liberally sent to fair friends in the in- 
trenchment, without designating its nature, or without being 
required to satisfy any scruples upon that head. Though, alas ! 
death, which marked every event in our career, sealed this also, 
for Captain Halliday, who had come across to visit my neigh- 
bor. Captain Jenkins, was carrying back some of the said soup 
for his wife, when he was shot dead between the puckah-b arrack 
and the main-guard. Further on in the history of the siege, 
when our privation was even greater than on the last occasion, 
a stray dog approached us. The cur had wandered from the 
Sepoy barrack, and every possible blandishment was employed 
by my men to tempt the canine adventurer into the soup-kettle. 
Two or three minutes subsequently to my seeing him doubtfully 
trotting across the open, I was offered some of his semi-roasted 
fabric, but that, more scrupulous than others, I was obliged to 
decline. 

Our position behind these unroofed walls was one of intense 
suffering, in consequence of the unmitigated heat of the sun by 
day, and the almost perpetual surprises to which we were liable 
by night. 

My sixteen men consisted, in the first instance, of Ensign 
Henderson, of the 56th Native Infantry, five or six of the Ma- 
dras FiTsileers, two platelayers from the railway works, and 
some men of the 84th Regiment. This first installment was 
soon disabled. The Madras Fusileers were armed with the 
Enfield rifle, and, consequently, they had to bear the brunt 
of the attack ; they were all shot at their posts ; several 
of the 84th also fell ; but, in consequence of the import- 
ance of the position, as soon as a loss in my little corps 
was reported. Captain Moore sent me over a reinforcement 
from the intrenchment. Sometimes a civilian, sometimes a 



THE STORY OF CAWNPORE. 209 

soldier came. The orders given xis were not to surrender with 
our lives, and we did our best to obey them, though it was only 
by an amount of fatigue that in the retrospect now seems scarce- 
ly possible to have been a fact, and by the perpetration of such 
wholesale carnage that nothing could have justified in us but 
the instinct of self-preservation, and I trust the equally-strong 
determination to shelter the women and children to the latest 
moment. There was one advantage in the out-picket station, 
in the fact that we were somewhat removed from the sickening 
spectacles continually occurring in the intrenchment. Some- 
times, when relieved by a brother officer for a few moments, I 
have run across to the main-guard for a chat with some old 
chums, or to join in the task of attempting to cheer the spir- 
its of the women ; but the sight there was always of a charac- 
ter to make me return to the barrack, relieved by the compar- 
ative quiet of its seclusion. We certainly had no diminished 
share of the conflict in the barracks, but we had not the heaps 
of wounded sufferers, nor the crowd of helpless ones whose 
agonies nothing could relieve. 

The well in the intrenchment was one of the greatest points 
of danger, as the enemy invariably fired grape upon that spot 
as soon as any person made his appearance there to draw water. 
Even in the dead of night the darkness afforded but little pro- 
tection, as they could hear the creaking of the tackle, and took 
the well-known sound as a signal for instantly opening with 
their artillery upon the suttlers. These were chiefly privates, 
who were paid as much as eight or ten shillings per bucket. 
Poor fellows ! their earnings were of little avail to them ; but 
to their credit it must be said, that when money had lost its 
value, by reason of the extremity of our danger, they were not 
less willing to incur the risk of drawing for the women and the 
children. The constant riddling of shot soon tore away the 
wood and brickwork that surrounded the well, and the labor 

of drawing became much more prolonged and perilous. The 

18 



210 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

water was between sixty and seventy feet from the surface of 
the ground, and with mere hand-over -hand labor it was weari- 
some work. My friend, John M'Killop, of the Civil Service, 
greatly distinguished himself here ; he became self- constituted 
captain of the well. He jocosely said that he was no fighting 
man, but would make himself useful where he could, and ac- 
cordingly he took this post, drawing for the supply of the 
women and the children as often as he could. It was less than 
a week after he had undertaken this self-denying service, when 
his numerous escapes were followed by a grape-shot wound in 
the groin and speedy death. Disinterested even in death, his 
last words were an earnest entreaty that somebody would go 
and draw water for a lady to whom he had promised it. The 
sufferings of the women and children from thirst were intense, 
and the men could scarcely endure the ci-ies for drink, which 
were almost perpetual from the poor little babes ; terribly un- 
conscious they were, most of them, of the great, great cost at 
which only it could be procured. I have seen the children of 
my brother officers sucking the pieces of old water-bags, put- 
ting scraps of canvas and leather straps into the mouth to try 
and get a single drop of moisture upon their parched lips. 
Not even a pint of water was to be had for washing from the 
Commencement to the close of the siege ; and those only who 
have lived in India can imagine the calamity of such a priva- 
tion to delicate women, who had been accustomed to the most 
frequent and copious ablutions as a necessary of existence. 
Had the relieving force, which we all thought to have been on 
its way from Calcutta, ever seen our beleaguered party, strange 
indeed would the appearance presented by any of us after the 
first week or ten days have seemed to them. 

Tattered in clothing, begrimed with dirt, emaciated in coun- 
tenance, were all without exception ; faces that had been beau- 
tiful were now chiseled with deep furrows ; haggard despair 
seated itself where there had been, a month before, only smiles. 



THE STORY OF CAWNPORE. 211 

Some were sinking into the settled vacancy of look which 
marked insanity. The old, babbling with confirmed imbecil- 
ity, and the young raving, in not a few cases, with wild mania ; 
while only the strongest retained the calmness demanded by the 
occasion. And yet, looking back upon the horrible straits to 
which the women were driven, the maintenance of modesty 
and delicate feeling by them to the last, is one of the greatest 
marvels of the heart-rending memories of those twenty-one 
days. 

Besides the well within the intrenchment, to which reference 
has been made, there was another close to barrack No. 3, upon 
which we looked, and to which we often repaired with sorrow- 
ing hearts. We drew no water there — it was our cemetery ; and 
in three weeks we buried therein two hundred and fifty of our 
number. 

When General Havelock recovered Cawnpore, he gave orders 
to fill up this vast grave, and the mound of earth which 

MARKS that memorable SPOT WAITS FOR THE MONUMENT WHICH 
WILL, I HOPE, BEFORE LONG RECORD THEIR SERVICES AND THEIR 

SUFFERINGS WHO SLEEP BENEATH. The burial of Sir John 
Moore, which has been taken to be the type of military fune- 
rals performed under fire, was elaborate in comparison with our 
task, who, with stealthy step, had under cover of the night to 
consign our lost ones in the most hurried manner to the deep, 
which at least secured their remains from depredation by car- 
nivorous animals, and from the ignominious brutality of more 
savage men. 

As soon as the siege had commenced, both of the barracks 
inside the intrenchment were set apart for the shelter of women 
and children, the worst cases of the invalids of the 32d Eegi- 
ment, together with some of our superior officers. The major- 
ity of the male refugees who availed themselves of this shelter, 
were those who were thoroughly incapacitated by age or disease 
from enduring the toil and the heat of the trenches. I deeply 



212 HEROES OP THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

regret, however, to have to record the fact that there was one 
officer of high rank, and in the prime of life, who never showed 
himself outside the walls of the barrack, nor took even the 
slightest part in the military operations. This craven -hearted 
man, whose name I withhold out of consideration for the feel- 
ings of his surviving relatives, seemed not to possess a thought 
beyond that of preserving his OAvn worthless life. Throughout 
three weeks of skulking, while women and children were daily 
dying around him, and the little band of combatants was being 
constantly thinned by wounds and death, not even the perils 
of his own wife could rouse this man to exertion ; and when 
at length we had embarked at the close of the siege, while our 
little craft was stuck upon a sand-bank, no expostulation could 
make him quit the shelter of her bulwarks, though we were 
adopting every possible expedient to lighten her burden. It 
was positively a relief to us when we found that his cowardice 
was unavailing ; and a bullet through the boat's side that dis- 
patched him caused the only death that we i-egarded with com- 
placency. 

One of the two barracks in the intrenched position was a 
strong building, and puckah-roofed — that is, covered in with 
masonry. It had been originally the old dragoon hospital, and 
consisted of one long central room, surrounded by others of 
much smaller dimensions. After a day or two of the sharp 
cannonading to which we were exposed, all the doors, windows, 
and framework of this, the best of the two structures, were en- 
tirely shot away. Not a few of its occupants were killed by 
splinters, and a still greater number by the balls and bullets 
which flew continually through the open spaces, which were 
soon left without a panel or sash of wood to offer any resist- 
ance. Others died from falling bricks, and pieces of timber 
dislodged by shot. The second barrack had from the com- 
mencement excited serious apprehension lest its thatched roof 
should be set on fire. An imperfect attempt had been made to 



THE STORY OF CAWNPORE. 213 

cover the thatcli with tiles and bricks, and any materials at 
hand that would preserve the roof from conflagration. But 
after about a week the dreaded calamity came upon us. A car- 
cass or shell filled with burning materials settled in the thatch, 
and speedily the whole barrack was in a blaze. As a part of 
this building had been used for a hospital, it was the object of 
the greatest solicitude to remove the poor fellows who lay there 
suffering from wounds and unable to move themselves. From 
one portion of the barrack the women and the children were 
running out — from another little parties laden with some heavy 
burden of suffering brotherhood were seeking the adjacent build- 
ing. As this fire broke out in the evening, the light of the 
flames made us conspicuous marks for the guns of our brutal 
assailants, and without regard to sex or age, or the painful and 
protracted toil of getting out the sufferers, they did not cease 
till long after midnight to pour upon ns incessant volleys of 
musketry. By means of indomitable perseverance many a poor 
agonizing private was rescued from the horrible death that 
seemed inevitable, but though all was done that ingenuity could 
suggest, or courage and determination accomplish, two artil- 
lerymen unhappily perished in the flames. The livid blaze of 
that burning barrack lighted up many a terrible picture of silent 
anguish, while the yells of ,the advancing Sepoys and the noise 
of their artillery filled the air with sounds that still echo in the 
ears of the only two sui'vivors. 

That was a night indeed to be long remembered. The enemy, 
imagining that all our attention was directed to the burning 
pile, took occasion to plan an assault. They advanced by hun- 
dreds under the shelter of the darkness, and without a sound 
from that side, with the intention of storming Ashe's battery, 
and they were allowed to come within sixty or eighty yards of 
the guns, before a piece was fired or a movement made to indi- 
cate that they were observed. Just when it must have ap- 
peared to them that their success was certain, our nine-pound- 



214 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

ers opened upon them with a most destrnctive charge of grape ; 
the men shouldered successive guns which they had by their 
sides ready loaded ; every available piece was discharged right 
into their midst, and in half an hour they left a hundred 
corpses in the open. 

In the burnt barrack all our medical stores were consumed ; 
not one of the surgical instruments was saved, and from that 
time the agonies of the wounded became most intense, and, from 
the utter impossibility of extracting bullets, or dressing mutila- 
tions, casualties were increased in their fatality. It was heart- 
breaking work to see the poor sufferers parched with thirst that 
could be only most scantily relieved, and sinking from fever 
and mortification that we had no appliances wherewith to 
resist. 

After the destruction of the thatched barrack, as that which 
survived the fire would not accommodate the whole party, num- 
bers of women and children were compelled to go out into the 
trenches, and not less than two hundred of them passed tAvelve 
days and nights upon the bare ground. Many of these were 
wives and daughters of officers, who had never known privation 
in its mildest form. Efforts were at first made to shelter them 
from the heat by erecting canvas-stretchers overhead, but as 
often as the paltry covering was put up, it was fired by the ene- 
my's shells. But our heroic sistei's did not give all themselves up 
to despair even yet ; they handed round the ammunition, encour- 
aged the men to the utmost, and in their tender solicitude and 
unremitting attention to the wounded, though all smeared with 
powder and covered with dirt, they were more to be admired 
then than they had often been in far different costume, when 
arrayed for the glittering ball-room. 

Mrs. White, a private's wife, was walking with her husband 
under cover, as they thought, of the wall, her twin children 
were one in each arm, when a single bullet passed through her 
husband ; killing him, it passed also through both her arms, 



THE STOKY OF CAWNPORE. 215 

breaking them, and close beside tbe breatbless husband and 
father fell the widow and her babes ; one of the latter being 
also severely wounded, I saw her afterward in the main-guard 
lying upon her back, with the two children, twins, laid one at 
each breast, while the mother's bosom refused not what her 
arms had no power to administer. Assuredly no imagination 
or invention ever devised such pictures as this most horrible 
siege was constantly presenting to our view. 

Mrs. Williams, the widow of Colonel Williams, after losing 
her husband early in the siege, from apoplexy supervening upon 
a wound, was herself shot in the face ; she lingered two days in 
frightful suffering and disfigurement, all the time attended by 
her intrepid daughter, who was herself suffering from a bullet- 
wound right through the shoulder-blade. 

An ayah, while nursing the infant child of Lieutenant J. 
Harris, Bengal Engineers, lost both her legs by a round shot, 
and the little innocent was picked off the ground suffused in 
its nurse's blood, but completely free from injury. While we 
were at Cuttack the mother of this infant had died, and Captain 
and Mrs. Belson kindly undertook its charge ; in what manner 
the poor little nursling's short but troubled life was terminated 
I know not. 

Miss Brightman, the sister of Mrs. Harris, died of fever con- 
sequent upon the fatigue she had incurred in nursing Lieutenant 
Martin, who was wounded in the lungs. Martin was quite 
young ; he only reached Cawnpore a day or two before the out- 
break. He said to me one day soon after his an-ival, "1 should 
like to see some practice with these things," pointing to a heap 
of shells. He soon saw far more of that practice than most 
soldiers three times his age. 

Mrs. Evans, the wife of Major Evans, Bombay Native Infant- 
ry, was killed by falling bricks, displaced by round shot. My 
friend. Major Evans, had to endure the most intense solicitude for 
his beloved wife, while he was engaged in the defense of Lucknow. 



216 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

Mrs. tleynolds, tlie wife of Ccaptain Eeynolds, 53d Native In- 
fantry, was wounded in the wrist by a musket-ball, and died of 
fever in consequence of there being no instruments or materials 
to alleviate her sufferings. Her husband had been previously 
killed by a round shot, which took off his arm. A Eurasian 
and her daughter, crouching behind an empty barrel, were both 
instantly killed by one shot. 

The children were a constant source of solicitude to the in- 
trenched party. Sometimes the little things, not old enough to 
have the instinct for liberty crushed by the presence of death, 
would run away from their mothers and play about under the 
barrack walls, and even on these the incarnate fiends would fire 
their muskets, and not a few were slain and wounded thus. 

One poor woman, a private's wife, ran out from the cover of 
the barracks with a child in each hand, courting relief from her 
prolonged anguish by death from the Sepoy guns, but a private 
nobly went out and dragged them back to a sheltered position. 

There were children born as well as dying in these terrible 
times, and three or four mothers had to undergo the sufferings 
of maternity in a crisis that left none of that hope and joy 
which compensate the hour of agony. One of the most pain- 
ful of these cases was that of Mrs. Darby, the wife of a surgeon 
in the Company's service. Her husband had been ordered to 
Lucknow immediately before the mutiny, and was killed there. 
Mrs. Darby survived her accouchement, and was, I believe, one 
of those who perished in the boats. 

Besides such constantly-occurring and frightful spectacles as 
these, deaths from sun-stroke and fever were frequently happen- 
ing. Colonel Williams, 56th Native Infantry, Major Prout, 
Sir George Parker, and several of the privates died thus. The 
fatal symptoms were headache and drowsiness, followed by 
vomiting and gradual insensibility, which terminated in death. 
Privation, and the influence of the horrible sights which day 
after day presented, drove some to insanity — such was the case 



THE STORY OF CAWNPORB. 217 

with one of the missionaries of the Society for the Propagation 
of the Gospel, the Rev. Mr. Haycock. He had heen accustomed 
to bring out his aged mother every eA'ening into the veranda, 
for a short relief from the fetid atmosphere within the barrack 
walls ; the old lady was at length severely wounded, and her 
acute sufferings overcame the son's reason, and he died a raving 
maniac. There was also another clergyman connected with 
the Propagation Society in the intrenchment, the Rev. Mr. 
Cockey, though I am not aware of the manner in which he met 
his death. The station chaplain, the Rev. Mr. Moncrieff, was 
most indefatigable in the performance of his ministry of mercy 
with the wounded and the dying. Public worship in any com- 
bined form was quite out of the question, but this devoted cler- 
gyman went from post to post reading prayers while we stood 
to arms. Short and interrupted as these services were, they 
proved an invaluable privilege, and there was a terrible reality 
about them, since in each such solemnity one or more of the 
little group gathered about the person of their instructor was 
sure to be present for the last time. Mr. Moncrieff was held in 
high estimation by the Avhole garrison before the mutiny, on 
account of the zealous manner in which he discharged the duties 
of his sacred office, but his self-denial and constancy in the 
thickest of our perils made him yet more greatly beloved by us 
all. The Romish priest was the only well-fed man in our party, 
for the Irish privates used to contribute from their scanty ra- 
tions for his support : he died about the middle of the siege 
from sun-stroke or apoplexy. 

The frequency of our casualties from wounds may be best 
understood by the history of one short hour. Lieutenant Prole 
had come to the main-guard to see Armstrong, the Adjutant of 
the 53d Native Infantry, who was unwell. While engaged in 
conversation with the invalid. Prole was struck by a musket- 
ball in the thigh, and fell to the ground. I put his arm upon 
my shoulder, and holding him round the waist, endeavored to 

19 



218 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

hobble across tbe open to the barrack, in order that he might 
obtain the attention of the surgeons there. While thus em- 
ployed, a ball hit me under the right shoulder-blade, and we 
fell to the ground together, and were picked up by some privates, 
who dragged us both back to the main-guard. While I was 
lying on the ground, woefully sick from the wound, Gilbert 
Bax — 48th Native Infantry — came to condole with me, when a 
bullet pierced his shoulder-blade, causing a wound from which 
he died before the termination of the siege. 

Ml". Hillersden, the collecting magistrate of Cawnpore, and 
brother of Major Hillersden, who commanded the 53d Native 
Infantry, was standing in the veranda of the puckah-roofed 
barrack in conversation with his wife, who had only recently 
recovered from her accouchement, when a round shot from the 
mess-house of the 56th Native Infantry completely disem- 
boweled him. His wife only survived him two or three days ; 
she was killed by a number of falling bricks dislodged by a 
shot and causing concussion of the brain. Mrs. Hillersden was 
a most accomplished lady, and by reason of her cheerfulness, 
amiability, and piety, universally a favorite at the station. 

In the same barrack Lieutenant G. R. Wheeler, son and 
aiddecamp of the General, was sitting upon a sofa, fainting 
from a wound he had received in the trenches ; his sister was 
fanning him, when a round shot entered the doorway, and left 
him a headless trunk ; one sister at his feet, and father, mother, 
and another sister, in different parts of the same room, were 
witnesses of the appalling spectacle. Three officers, belonging 
to the same regiment with Lieutenant Wheeler, the 1st Native 
Infantry — namely. Lieutenants Smith and Eedman, and Ensign 
Supple — had their heads taken off by round shots in the redan. 

Lieutenant Dempster, who left a wife and four children, fell 
mortally wounded between Whiting's battery and the puckah- 
roofed barrack. 

Lieutenant Jervis, of the Engineers, fell in the same locality. 



THE STORY OF CAWNPORB. 219 

He always scorned to run, and while calmly walking across the 
open, in the midst of a shower of bullets, some of us cried out 
to him, " Run, Jervis ! run !" but he refused, and was killed 
by a bullet through his heart. 

Mr. Jack, brother of the Brigadier, who was on a visit from 
Australia, was hit by a round shot, which carried away his left 
leg. As this occurred before the destruction of the instruments, 
he underwent amputation, but sank under the operation. 

Colonel Ewart, a brave and clever man, was severely wounded 
in the arm early in the proceedings, and was entirely disabled 
from any participation in the defense. 

Captain Kempland suffered so much from the heat, that, al- 
though not wounded, he was also utterly prostrate and non- 
combatant. His European man-servant made an attempt to 
get down the river with his master's baggage, but was taken by 
the Sepoys and murdered. 

Lieutenant R. Quin died of fever. His brother, C. Quin, 
survived the siege, and was left severely wounded in the boat at 
Soorajpore. 

Ensign Dowson suffered severely from sun-stroke, and Ensign 
Foreman was wounded in the leg. Both of these youths 
perished at the boats. 

Major Lindsay was struck in the face by the splinters caused 
by a round shot ; he lay for a few days in total blindness and 
extreme pain, when death came to his relief. His disconsolate 
widow followed him a day or two afterward, slain by grief. 

Mr. Heberden, of the railway service, was handing one of 
the ladies some water, when a charge of grape entered the bar- 
rack, and a shot passed through both his hips, leaving an awful 
wound. He lay for a whole v/eek upon his face, and was carried 
upon a mattress down to the boats, where he died. The forti- 
tude he had shown in active service did not forsake him during 
his extraordinary sufferings, for not a murmur escaped his lips. 

Lieutenant Eckford, while sitting in the veranda, was struck 



220 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

by a round shot in the heart, causing instant death. He was 
an excellent artillery officer, and could ill be spared ; besides 
his high military accomplishments this gentleman was an ad- 
mirable linguist, and his death was a great loss to his country. 
To our enfeebled community these bereavements were a de- 
plorable calamity. 

Such are some specimens of the horrors endured, but by no 
means a summary of the long catalogue of lamentation and 
woe. Many casualties occurred of which I never heard, some 
probably which I have forgotten. Long and painful as this 
narrative of suffering may prove to the reader, he will not 
forget that all this was but on the surface ; the agony of mind, 
the tortures of despair, the memories of home, the yearning 
after the distant children or parents, the secret prayers, and all 
the hidden heart-wounds contained in those barracks, were, and 
must remain, known only to God. 

It would be unjust to overlook the fact that a large num- 
ber of the natives shared with us our sharp and bitter troubles. 
There were not a few native servants who remained in the in- 
trenchment with their masters. Three of them, in the service 
of Lieutenant Bridges, were killed by one shell. One, belong- 
ing to Lieutenant Goad, 56th Native Infantry, was crossing to 
barrack No. 2, with some food in his hand, and was shot 
through the head. Several outlived the siege, and died at the 
time of embarkation ; some two or three escaped after the 
capitulation, and from these persons the various and conflict- 
ing statements of our history have come piecemeal into the 
Indian and English newspapers. 

Soon after the destruction of the hospital, it was determined 
upon by Captain Moore to make a dash upon the enemy's 
guns, in the hope of silencing some of these destructive weap- 
ons, and thus lessening the severity of the attack. Accord- 
ingly a party of fifty, headed by the Captain, sallied out at 
midnight, toward the church compound, where they spiked two 



THE STORY OF CAWNPORB. 221 

or three guns. Proceeding thence to the mess-house, they 
killed several of the native gunners, asleep at their posts, hlew 
up one of the twenty-four-pounders, and spiked another or 
two ; but although it was a most brilliant, daring, and success- 
ful exploit, it availed us little, as the next day they brought 
fresh guns into position, and this piece of service cost us one 
private killed and four wounded. 

Day after day, throughout the whole period of our sufferings, 
while our numbers were more than decimated by the enemy's 
fire, and our supply of food was known to be running short, 
we were buoyed up by expectations of relief. General Wheeler 
had telegraphed for reinforcements before communication with 
Calcutta was broken off, and it was reported that the Governor- 
General had promised to send them up promptly, and we in- 
dulged the hope that they must have been expedited for our 
relief. We ministered all the comfort we could to the women, 
by the assurance that our desperate condition must be known 
at headquarters ; but so effectually had the Sepoys closed the 
road all around us, that the tidings of our exact circumstances 
did not even reach Lucknow, only fifty miles distant, till the 
siege was nearly concluded. The southern road was entirely 
shut up, and not a native was allowed to travel in the direc- 
tion of Allahabad. Pickets of Sepoy infantry were posted 
fifteen paces apart, so as to form a complete cordon aroimd the 
position, and these were supported by cavalry pickets, forming 
a second circle, and the whole were relieved every two hours. 

All the while that our numbers were rapidly diminishing, 
those of our antagonists were as constantly increasing. Re- 
volters poured into the ranks from Delhi, Jhansi, Saugor, and 
Lucknow, and, at last, there were said to be not fewer than 
eight thousand of them in immediate proximity to us. 

Often we imagined that we heard the sounds of distant can- 
nonading. At all hours of the day and night my men have asked 
me to listen. Their faces would gladden with the delusive 



222 HEKOES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

hope of a relieving force close at hand, but only to sink hack 
again presently into the old care-worn aspect. Weariness and 
want had alike to be forgotten, and the energy of desperation 
thrown into our unequal conflict. Occasionally moved by such 
rumors as these into a momentary gleaming of hope, the coim- 
tenances of the women, for the most part, assumed a stolid 
apathy and a deadly stillness that nothing could move. Much 
excitement was caused in our midst, at the expiration of the 
first fortnight, by the arrival of a native spy, who came into 
the intrenchment in the garb of a bheestie — a water-carrier. 
This man declared himself favorable to our cause, and said 
that he had brought good news, for there were two compa- 
nies of European soldiers on the other side of the river, with 
a couple of guns from Lucknow ; that they were making ar- 
rangements to cross the Ganges, and might be expected in our 
midst on the morrow. He came in again the next day, and 
told us that our countrymen were prevented crossing the stream 
by the rising of the waters, but that they were constructing 
rafts, and we might look for them in a day or two at the 
farthest. The tidings spread from man to man, and lighted 
some flickering rays of hope even in the bosoms of those who 
had abandoned themselves to despair. But days rolled on, 
and more terrific nights ; and the delusion was dispelled like 
the mirage. Our pretended friend was, in fact, one of the 
Nana's spies, and the tidings which he conveyed back of our 
abject condition must have greatly gratified his sanguinary 
employer. I have no doubt that the fiction about approach- 
ing help was the invention of the wily Azimoolah, and in- 
tended to throw us off our guard, and, by the relaxation of 
our vigilance, prepare the way for an assault. It had not that 
effect, though it was too successful in bolstering up our vain 
expectations. It will be remembered by my readers, that no 
relief reached Cawnpore till three weeks after the capitulation, 
when the invincible Havelock wrested the cantonments from 



THE STORY OP CAWNPORE. 223 

the treacherous Nana. Would that his unparalleled feats of 
valor had met with the reward which, in his large heart, he so 
much coveted ! — the privilege of I'escuing some of his country- 
women from the fangs of their brutal murderer. That was the 
guerdon for which he fought, and it was more cherished by 
him than all the honors of successful war ; but an inscrutable 
Providence had otherwise ordained it. 

The 23d of June, 1857, the centenary of the battle of Plassy, 
was, no doubt, intended to have been the date of a simultane- 
ous preconcerted effort to break off the British yoke from the 
Himalayas to the Hoogly. Had not events at Meerut precipi- 
tated the outburst in its riper form, it must have proved exceed- 
ingly more successful than it actually became. 

The Nana and his company evidently intended the celebra- 
tion of this epoch after their own fashion. In the night of 
the 22d we were threatened in our barrack No. 2 by a storming 
party from barrack No. 1. We saw the pandies gathering to 
this position from all parts, and, fearing that my little band 
would be altogether overpowered by numbers, I sent to Cap- 
tain Moore for more men. The answer was not altogether 
unexpected : " Not one could be spared." Shortly afterward, 
however, the gallant Captain came across to me, in company 
with Lieutenant Delafosse, and he said to me : 

" Thompson, I think I shall try a new dodge ; we are going 
out into the open, and I shall give the word of command as 
though our party were about to commence an attack." 

Forthwith they sallied out ; Moore with a sword — Delafosse 
with an empty musket. 

The Captain vociferated to the winds, " Number one to the 
front." And hundreds of ammunition-pouches rattled on the 
bayonet-sheaths as our courageous foes vaulted out from the 
cover afforded by heaps of rubbish, and rushed into the safer 
quarters presented by the barrack walls. We followed them 
with a vigorous salute, and as they did not show fight just then, 



224 HEKOBS OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

we had a liearty laugh, at the ingenuity which had devised, and 
the courage which had execiited, this successful feint. The 
whole of that night witnessed a series of surprises and false 
charges upon our barracks, and not a man of us left his post 
for an instant. Toward dawn, when they were a little more 
quiet, Mr. Mainwaring, a cavaliy cadet, who was one of my 
picket, kindly begged of me to lie down a little while, and he 
would keep a sharp look-out. It was indeed a little while, for 
I had scarcely closed my eyes when Mainwaring shouted, 
"Here they come." They advanced close up to the door-way 
of our barrack, which, in consequence of the floor not being 
down, presented brick-work breast high, but had no door. 
They had never before shown so much pluck. Mainwaring's 
revolver dispatched two or three ; Stirling, with an Enfield 
rifle, shot one and bayoneted another ; both charges of my 
double-barreled gun were emptied, and not in vain. We were 
seventeen of us inside that barrack, and they left eighteen 
corpses lying outside the door-way. An attack on the intrench- 
ment was simultaneous with that on both of our barracks. 
They surrounded the walls on all sides, and in every style of 
uniform, regular and irregular, both cavalry and infantry, 
together with horse and bullock batteries of field artillery, sent 
out as skirmishers. Their cavalry started upon the charge from 
the riding-school, and in their impetuosity, or through the 
ignorance of their leader, came all the way at a hand-gallop, 
so that when they neared the intrenchment their horses were 
winded, and a round from our guns threw their ranks into 
hopeless confusion, and all who were not biting the dust, 
wheeled round and retired. They had started with the inten- 
tion of killing us all, or dying in the attempt, and oaths had 
been administered to the principal men among them to insure 
their fidelity to that purpose, as well as to stimulate their 
courage and determination, but all the appliances employed 
were of none effect, so soon as one of our batteries lodged a 



THE STOEY OF CAWNPOKE. 225 

charge of grape in their midst. One very singular expedient 
that they adopted upon this occasion to cover their sldrmishers 
from our fire, was the following — they rolled hefore theui 
great bales of cotton, and under the effectual security which it 
seemed to present from being struck by our shots, they man- 
aged to approach ominously near to out walls. The well- 
directed fire from the batteries presently set light to some of 
these novel defenses, and panic-struck the skirmishers retreated, 
before their main had shown signs of advance. During the 
following night we went out and brought in some of the cotton 
that had escaped the flames, and it was useful for stopping 
gaps made in the walls, and similar purposes. During the 
course of these manifestations I had a memento of the 23d of 
June, in the shape of a wound in the left thigh from a grape- 
shot, which plowed up the flesh, but happily, though narrowly, 
escaped the bone. On the evening of the 23d of June, a party 
of Sepoys came out unarmed, and having salaamed to us, 
obtained leave to take away the dead they had left outside our 
walls. There can be no doubt that the failure of the attack 
on this occasion was a grievous disappointment to the Nana 
and his coadjutors. 

Seventeen days and nights our little party had resisted all 
the efforts made by the overwhelming numbers of the foe to 
storm the position. There remained nothing now for them to 
do but to starve us out ; henceforth they abandoned all attempts 
to take us by assault. They resumed the whole work of 
annoyance, by coming every day up the lines and threatening 
us. Accordingly we had to resume the daily employment of 
expelling them, lest their unchecked insolence should lead to 
acts more decisive. After having made one of these charges 
through the whole tier of buildings. Captain Jenkins and I 
were returning from barrack to barrack to our pickets, survey- 
ing the effects of the sortie we had just concluded. We had 
sent on our men before us to resume their posts ; and while we 



226 HEROES OP THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

were leisurely walking and chatting together between the 
barracks numbered. 4 and 5, a wounded Sepoy, who had feigned 
death while our men passed him, suddenly raised his musket 
and shot Captain Jenkins through the jaw. I had the misera- 
ble satisfaction of first dismissing the assailant, and then con- 
ducted my suffering companion to his barrack. He lived two 
or three days in excruciating agony, and then died from ex- 
haustion, as it was quite iiupossible, without the aid of instru- 
ments, to get even the wretched nutriment we possessed into 
his throat. 

In Captain Jenkins we lost one of the bravest and one of 
the best of our party. Captain Moore took the post vacated by 
this sad event for the remainder of the siege. 

On the 24th of June, a private named Blenman, a Eurasian 
by birth, but so dark in complexion as easily to have been 
taken for a native, and who had gone out once or twice before 
to the Nana's camp to report the state of affairs in that direc- 
tion, was once more sent out with instructions, if possible, to 
reach Allahabad, and make known our desperate condition. 
He passed through my outpost disguised as a cook, with only 
a pistol and fifteen rupees in his possession. He managed to 
elude the observation of seven troopers who were posted as cav- 
alry pickets, but he was discovered by the eighth, and when he 
endeavored to pass himself off as a chumar, or leather dresser, 
from the native city, whether they believed his story or not, 
they stripped him of rupees and pistol, and told him to return 
to the place he came from. Blenman was exceedingly cour- 
ageous, and, when he chose, one of the best men we had, but he 
was always fitful in temper, and at times difficult to manage. 
Two or three attempts of the same kind were made to open 
communications with the down country people, but they all 
failed ; and, with the exception of Blenman, we never saw any 
of our spies again after they had quitted our walls. One of 
them, Mr. Shepherd, of the commissariat department, survives. 



THE STORY OF CAWNPORB. 227 

and Tias piil)lished the account of his adventures^ from which it 
appears that he volunteered his services to General Wheeler, in 
the hope of being able to provide a retreat for his family in the 
native city. He says, "With this view I applied to the Gen- 
eral, on the 24th of June, for permission to go, at the same 
time offering to bring all the correct information that I might 
collect in the city, asking, as a condition, that on my return, 
if I should wish it, my family might be allowed to leave the 
intrenchment. This, my request, was granted, as the General 
wished very much to get such information, and for which pur- 
pose he had previously sent out two or three natives at different 
times, imder promises of high reward, but who never returned. 
He at the same time instructed me to try and negotiate with 
certain influential parties in the city, so as to bring about a 
rupture among the rebels, and cause them to leave off annoying 
us, authorizing me to offer a lac of rupees as a reward, with 
handsome pensions for life, to any person who would bring 
about such a thing. This, I have every reason to believe, could 
have been carried out successfully, had it pleased God to take 
me out unmolested ; but it was not so ordained — it was merely 
a means, under God's providence, to save me from sharing the 
fate of the rest — for as I came out of the intrenchment, dis- 
guised as a native cook, and passing through the new unfin- 
ished barracks, had not gone very far when I was taken a 
prisoner, and under custody of four Sepoys and a couple of 
sowars, all well-armed, was escorted to the camp of the Nana, 
and was ordered to be placed under a guard. Here several 
questions were put to me concerning our intrenchment, not by 
the Nana himself, but by some of his people, to all of which I 
replied as I was previously instructed by our General ; for I 
had taken the precaution of asking him what I should say in 
case I was taken. My answers were not considei-ed satisfactory, 
and I was confronted with two women-servants, who three days 
previously had been caught in making their escape from the 



228 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

intrenchment, and who gave a version of their own, making it 
appear that the English were starving, and not able to hold 
out much longer, as their number was greatly reduced. I, 
however, stood firm to what I had first mentioned, and they 
did not know which party to believe. I was kept under cus- 
tody till the 12th of July, on which date my trial took place, 
and I was sentenced to three years' imprisonment, with hard 
labor. They gave me only parched grain to eat daily, and 
that in small quantities." 

The arrival of General Havelock was the means of Mr. Shep- 
herd's release after twenty -five days' captivity. In this gentle- 
man's generally-truthful narrative of the siege, there is one 
misstatement which requires correction, as it may have caused 
in some quarters the belief that we could have held out a fort- 
night longer than we did. Mr, Shepherd says that on the 24th 
June " there were provisions yet left to keep the people alive 
on half rations for the next fifteen or twenty days." This is 
an error, as when the capitulation was projected, we had al- 
ready been placed several days on half rations, and there were 
then in stock only supplies sufficient for four more days at the 
reduced rate. 

Many attempts were made to introduce themselves into our 
midst as spies by emissaries of the Nana, but with the ex- 
ception of the man who brought us the story of the approach- 
ing relief, they failed as conspicuously as our own efforts in 
that direction. The natives are exceedingly adroit in this kind 
of occupation ; they secrete their brief dispatches in quills most 
mysteriously concealed about the person ; they keep ambush 
with the most patient self-possession, and creep through the 
jungles as stealthily as the jackal. Often when our sentries 
were on the look-out over the wall, they have detected Sepoys 
creeping on all-fours with their tulwars between the teeth in the 
attempt to cut down a man without observation, but fortu- 
nately none of our force were caught napping in that way. 



THE STORY OF CAWNPORE. 229 



THE CAPITULATION. 

On the twenty-first day of the siege, the firing of my picket 
having ceased for a short time, the look-out man up in the 
crow's nest shouted, " There 's a woman coming across." She 
was supposed to have heen a spy, and one of the picket would 
have shot her, hut that I knocked down his arm and saved her 
life. She had a child at her hreast, but was so imperfectly 
clothed as to be without shoes and stockings. I lifted her over 
the barricade in a fainting condition, when I recognized her as 
Mrs. Greenway, a member of a wealthy family who had resided 
at Cawnpore, and carried on their operations as merchants in 
the cantonments. Upon the appearance of the mutiny thej'^ fled 
to Nuzzuffghur, where they had a factory, in the belief that 
their own villagers would be quite able to protect them from 
any serious injury. These precautions were, however, utterly 
useless, as they fell into the Nana's hands. 

One of the members of this family paid the Nana three lacs 
of rupees — £30,000 — to save the lives of the entire household. 
The unprincipled monster took the ransom, but numbered all 
the Greenways among the slain. As soon as she had recovered 
herself after entering the barrack, Mrs. Greenway handed me a 
letter with this superscription : 

" to the subjects of her most gracious majesty, quebn 
Victoria." 

I took this document to Captain Moore, and he, together 
with General Wheeler and Captain Whiting, deliberated over 
its contents — they were as follows : 

" All those who are in no way connected with the acts of 
Lord Dalhousie, and are willing to lay down their arms, shall 
receive a safe passage to Allahabad." 

There was no signature to it, but the handwriting was that of 
Azimoolah. Sir Hugh Wheeler, still hopeful of relief from Cal- 



230 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

ciitta, and suspicious of treachery on the part of the Nana, for 
a long tinae most strenuously opposed the idea of making 
tel'nl^s ; but upon the representation that there were only three 
days' rations in store, and after the often-reiterated claims of 
the women and children, and the most deplorable destitution in 
which we were placed, he at last succumbed to Captain Moore's 
expostulations, and consented to the preparation of a treaty of 
capitulation. All of us who were juniors adopted the views of 
the brave old General, but we well knew that it was only con- 
sideration for the weak and the wounded, that turned the vote 
against us. Ilad there been only men there, I am sure we 
should have made a dash for Allahabad rather than have 
thought of surrender ; and Captain Moore would have been the 
first to lead the forlorn hope. A braver soul than he never 
breathed. 

It is easy enough, in the comfortable retirement of the club 
dining-room, for Colonel Pipeclay to call in question the pro- 
priety of the surrender ; and his cousin, Mr. Scribe, in glowing 
trisyllables, can fluently enough discourse of military honor and 
British heroism of olden times. Only let these gentlemen take 
into consideration in their wine-and-walnut arguments, the 
famished sucklings, the woe-worn women, who awaited the 
issue of those deliberations, and perhaps even they will admit, 
as all true soldiers and sensible citizens have done, that th^re 
remained nothing better for our leaders to do than to hope the 
best from an honorable capitulation. 

The whole of that 26th of June the enemy ceased firing 
upon us. While the deliberations were going on Mrs. Green- 
way staid in my picket, though all the time eager to 
return to her little children, whom her brutal captor had re- 
tained as hostages. She was interrogated particularly as to the 
treatment she had received, and gave distressing details of their 
cruelty. They had fed her only on a most starving allowance 
of chupatties and water ; stripped her of all her clothing but a 



THE STORY OF CAWNPORE. 231 

gown, and had pulled her earrings out through the flesh. She 
cried most bitterly while enumerating her wrongs, though she 
most explicitly affirmed that no indignities or abuse had mo- 
lested her honor. She returned at night to the Nana's camp, 
bearing the message, that the General, Sir Hugh Wheeler, was 
in deliberation as to the answer that should be sent. Soon 
after Mrs. Greenway had left, Captain Moore reached my picket 
with the intelligence that we were about to treat with the en- 
emy. I passed the word to the native officer stationed nearest to 
us, and presently Azimoolah made his appearance : he was ac- 
companied by Juwallah Pershaud, the brigadier of the Nana's 
cavalry. These two came to within about two hundred yards 
of my barrack, and Captains Moore and Whiting, and Mr. 
Roche, postmaster of Cawnpore, went out to arrange the terms 
of the capitulation. The conditions for ivhich our representa- 
tives stipulated, were honorable surrender of our shattered 
barracks and free exit under arms, with sixty rounds of ammu- 
nition per man ; carriages to be provided for the conveyance of 
the wounded, the women and the children ; boats furnished 
with flour to be ready at the ghaut. Some of the native party 
added to the remark about supplying us with flour, " We will 
give you sheep and goats also." 

Azimoolah engaged to take these written proposals to the 
Nana, and the same afternoon they were sent back by a sowar, 
with the verbal message that the Nana agreed to all the condi- 
tions, and that the cantonments were to be evacuated the same 
night. This was utterly impossible, and the treaty was imme- 
diately returned with an intimation that our departure must be 
delayed till the morrow. The sowar came back to us once 
more, and Captain Whiting and I went out to meet him, when 
he informed us that the Nana was inflexible in his determina- 
tion that we should instantly evacuate, and that if we hesitated 
his guns would open upon us again ; and moreover he bade us 
remember that he was thoroughly acquainted with our impover- 



232 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

ished condition ; he knew that our guns were shattered, and if 
he did renew the bomhardment, we must all certainly be killed. 
To all this Whiting replied we should never be afraid of their 
entering the intrenchment, as we had repelled their repeated at- 
tempts to do this, and even if they should succeed in over- 
powering us, we had men always ready at the magazines to 
blow us all up together. The sowar returned to the Nana, and 
by and by he came out to us again, with the verbal consent 
that we should delay the embarkation till the morning. Mr. 
Todd now volunteered to take the document across to the 
Sevadah Kothi, the Nana's residence, and after about an ab- 
sence of half an hour, he returned with the treaty of capitulation 
signed by the Nana. Mr. Todd said that he was courteously 
received, and that no hesitation was made in giving the signa- 
ture, which, in point of fact, left the covenant as worthless as 
it possibly could be. I narrate all these details, to exonerate 
General Wheeler and Captain Moore from any suspicion of 
having overlooked precautions that might be supposed to give 
security to their proceedings. Three men were sent from the 
hostile camp into our intrenchment to remain there the whole 
night as hostages for the Nana's good faith. One of them was 
the before-named Juwallah Pershaud ; there is little doubt that 
this rogue was in possession of a perfect programme of the 
projected plans for the morrow. He was one of the Bithoor 
retainers, and had now become a very considerable personage, 
having floated on the tide of mutiny to high military command 
in the ranks of the rebel army. Juwallah condoled in most 
eloquent language with Sir Hugh Wheeler upon the privations 
he had undergone, and said that it was a sad affair at his time 
of life for the General to suffer so much ; and that after he had 
commanded Sepoy regiments for so many years, it was a 
shocking thing they should turn their arms against him. He, 
Juwallah, would take care that no harm should come to any of 
us on the morrow ; and his companions used language of the 



THE STORY OF CAWNPORE. 233 

same kind both for its obsequiousness and falsity. Before sun- 
set our shattered guns were formally made over to the Nana, 
and a company' of his artillery stood at them the whole night : 
some of them men who had been drilled at the same guns in 
the service of the Honorable East India Company. A com- 
mittee was next appointed, consisting of Captain Athill Turner 
and Lieutenants Delafosse and Goad, to go down to the river 
and see if the boats were in readiness for our reception. An 
escort of native cavalry was sent to conduct them to the ghaut. 
They found about forty boats moored and apparently ready for 
departure, some of them roofed, and others undergoing that 
process. These were the large up-country boats, so well known 
to all Indians. The committee saw also the apparent victual- 
ing of some of the boats, as in their presence a show of fur- 
nishing them Avith supplies was made, though before the morn- 
ing there was not left in any of them a sufficient meal for a rat. 
Our delegates returned to us without the slightest molestation, 
though I afterward gathered that Captain Turner was made 
very uneasy by the repetition of the word kuttle — massacre — 
which he overheard passing from man to man by some of the 
56th Native Infantry, who were present on the bank of the 
river. 

During the night some sleepy sentry of theirs, in barrack 
No. 1, dropped his musket, and so caused its discharge. I 
suppose that at their headquarters this was taken to be firing 
on our part, for they instantly opened with musketry and artil- 
lery all around us, as rapidly as they could load repeating the 
volley. We did not answer them with a single cartridge, but 
stood at our posts prepared for an attack. Juwallah sent for 
one of the Sepoys in barrack No. 1, and upon discovering the 
cause of the commotion, dispatched a quieting communication 
to his uneasy principals. Notwithstanding this interruption, 
that night was by far the best we had had for a month. With 

a pillow of brickbats, made comfortable by extreme fatigue and 

20 



2^4 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

prolonged suspense, and witli a comfortable sense of having 
done all that he could, or that his country could require, many 
a poor fellow slept that night, only less soundly than he did on 
the following one. The well had been besieged on the cessation 
of the enemy's fire, and draught after draught was swallowed ; 
and though the debris of mortar and bricks had made the water 
cloudy, it was more delicious than nectar. It was not given 
out by thimblefuls that night. Double rations of chupatties 
and dhal were served around, though the degree of confidence 
that was put in each other by the contracting parties will be 
tolerably evident from the fact that no decent food was begged 
or bought on our side, nor was it offered or given on the other. 
There was a slightly-visible change for the better in the coun- 
tenances of the women, though some of them gave expression 
to their suspicions with such inquiries as these, " Do you think 
it will be all right to-morrow ?" " Will they really let us go 
down to Allahabad in safety ?" The majority assumed a tone 
of cheerfulness, and comforted one another with the prospects 
of rescue. Such, however, was the extreme depression of both 
mind and body, that any alternative seemed preferable to the 
prolonged murder of the siege. The children, at least, Avere 
cheerful ; they had had the wants of the moment more liberally 
supplied than for a long time past, and at midnight all was 
silent ; men, women, and children, all slept. After such an 
acclimation of the brain to incessant bombardment, the stillness 
was actually painful. In that silence the angel of death brooded 
over many a sleeper there. The jackal took the opportunity 
offered to him to prowl among the animal remains around the 
intrenchment, without alarm from the guns ; and daybreak 
disclosed to view hosts of adjutant birds and vultures gloating 
over their carnivorous breakfast. These are the only parties 
who have any cause to thank the Sepoys for the rebellion of 
1857. 



THE STORY OF CAWNPORE. 235 



THE DEPARTUKE. 

It was a truly-strange spectacle which the opening morning 
of the 27th of June brought within the- intrenchment. All 
the activities of departure were manifest on every side. Men 
and women were loading themselves with what each thought 
most precious. Hurried words of sympathy were uttered to 
the wounded, and many a hearty declaration given that, at all 
hazards, they should not be left behind. Some had much that 
they wished to carry away, some had nothing. The time for 
deliberation was short, and the power to carry limited indeed. 
Little relics of jewelry were secreted by some, in the tattered 
fragments of their dress. A few were busily occupied in dig- 
ging up boxes from the ruins of the building, the said boxes 
containing plate and other valuables. Some cherished a Bible 
or a prayer-book ; others bestowed all their care upon the 
heir-looms which the dead had intrusted to their keeping, to be 
transferred to survivors at home. The able-bodied men packed 
themselves with all the ammunition which they could carry, 
till they were walking-magazines. 

Not a few looked down that well, and thought of the treas- 
ures consigned to its keeping. Some would have fain been 
among them even there. Here a party paced the outside of the 
barrack-wall, and gazed at the brick-work, all honeycombed 
with shot. There a little group lent kindly aid to bind up and 
secure the clothing that could scarcely be made to hold to- 
gether. Never, surely, was there such an emaciated, ghostly 
party of human beings as we. There were women who had 
been beautiful, now stripped of every personal charm, some 
with, some without gowns ; fragments of finery were made 
available no longer for decoration, but decorum ; officers in 
tarnished uniforms, rent and wretched, and with nondescript 
mixtures of apparel, more or less insufficient in all. There 
were few shoes, fewer stockings, and scarcely any shirts ; these 



236 HEKOES OP THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

had all gone for bandages to the wounded. After an hour or 
two of this busy traffic, the elephants and palanquins made 
their appearance at Ashe's, battery. Water was the only cor- 
dial we could give to the wounded, but this they eagerly and 
copiously drank. No rations were served out before starting, 
nor was any ceremony or religious service of any kind ob- 
served. Sixteen elephants and between seventy and eighty 
palanquins composed the van of the mournful procession, and 
more than two hundred sufferers had thus to be conveyed down 
to the river. The advance-guard, consisting of some men of 
the 32d Regiment, led by Captain Moore, had to return for a 
second installment of those who were unable to walk the single 
mile to the ghaut. Not a Sepoy accompanied us ; we loaded 
and unloaded the burdens ourselves; and the most cautious 
handling caused much agony to our disabled ones. They 
would have been objects for intense pity, and subjects of 
great pain, with all the relief that hospital science could have 
devised for their attention, but our rude and unaided efforts 
must have caused them greatly- aggravated torture. 

The women and children were put on the elephants and 
into the bullock-carts ; the able-bodied walked down indiscrim- 
inately after the advance had gone. Immediately after the 
exit of the first detachment the place was thronged with Se- 
poys. One of them said to one of our men, " Give me that 
musket !" placing his hand upon the weapon, as if about to 
take it. " You shall have its contents, if you please, but not 
the gun," was the reply ; the proposal not having been ac- 
cepted, the insulted Briton walked off: it was the only sem- 
blance of an interruption to our departure. 

The Sepoys were loud in their expression of astonishment 
that we had withstood them so long, and said that it was 
utterly unaccountable to them. We told them that had it not 
been for the failure of our food, Ave should have held the place 
to the last man. I asked one of them, whom I recognized as 



THE STORY OF CAWNPORE. 237 

having belonged to my own regiment, how many they had 
lost, and he told me from eight hundred to a thousand. I 
believe this estimate to have been under rather than over the 
mark. Inquiries were made by men after their old officers 
whom they had missed, and they appeared much distressed at 
hearing of their death. Such discrepancies of character will, 
possibly, mystify the northern mind, but they are indigenous to 
the east. I inquired of another Sepoy of the 53d, " Are we 
to go to Allahabad without molestation ?" He affirmed that 
such was his firm belief ; and I do not suppose that the con- 
templated massacre had been divulged beyond the councils of 
its brutal projectors. Poor old Sir Hugh Wheeler, his lady 
and daughter, walked down to the boats. The rear was 
brought up by Major Vibart, who was the last officer in the 
intrenchment. Some of the rebels, who had served in this 
officer's regiment, insisted on carrying out the property which 
belonged to him. They loaded a bullock -cart with boxes, and 
escorted the Major's wife and family down to the boats with 
the most profuse demonstrations of respect. When we reached 
the place of embarkation, all of us, men and women, as well 
as the bearers of the wounded and children, had to wade knee- 
deep through the water to get into the boats, as not a single 
plank was provided to serve for a gangway. It was 9 o'clock, 
A. M., when the last boat received her complement. And now 
I have to attempt to portray one of the most brutal massacres 
that the history of the human race has recorded, aggravated, as 
it was, by the most reckless cruelty and monstrous cowardice. 
The boats were about thirty feet long and twelve feet across 
the thwarts, and overcrowded with their freight. They were 
flat down on the sand-banks, with about two feet of water rip- 
pling around them. We might and ought to have demanded 
an embarkation in deeper water, but, in the hurry of our de- 
parture, this had been overlooked. If the rainy season had 
come on while we were intrenched, our mud walls would have 



238 HEROES OP THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

been entirely washed away, and grievous epidemic sickness 
must have been added to the long catalogue of our calamities. 
While the siege lasted we were daily dreading the approach of 
the rains — now, alas ! we mourned their absence ; for the Gan- 
ges was at its lowest. Captain Moore had told us that no at- 
tempt at any thing like order of progress would be made in 
the departure ; but when all were aboard, we were to push off 
as quickly as possible, and make for the other side of the river, 
where orders would be given for our further direction. As 
soon as Major Vibart had stepped into his boat, "Off!" was 
the word ; but at a signal from the shore, the native boatmen, 
who numbered eight and a coxswain to each boat, all jumped 
over and waded to the shore. We fired into them immediately, 
but the majority of them escaped, and are now plying their 
old trade in the neighborhood of Cawnpore. Before they 
quitted us, these men had contrived to secrete burning charcoal 
in the thatch of most of the boats. Simultaneously with the 
departure of the boatmen, the identical troopers who had 
escorted Major Vibart to the ghaut opened upon us with their 
carbines. As well as the confusion, caused by the burning of 
the boats, would allow, we returned the fire of these horsemen, 
who were about fifteen or sixteen in number, but they retired 
immediately after the volley they had given us. 

Those of us who were not disabled by wounds now jumped 
out of the boats, and endeavored to push them afloat, but, alas ! 
most of them were utterly immovable. Now, from ambush, 
in which they were concealed all along the banks, it seemed 
that thousands of men fired upon us ; besides four nine-pound- 
ers, carefully masked and pointed to the boats, every bush was 
filled with Sepoys. 

There are two or three houses close down by the river in 
this place, one of them formerly known as the Fusileer mess- 
house, the second the residence of Captain Jenkins, and a 
third now in the occupancy of the station chaplain. These 



THE STORY OF CAWNPORE. 289 

were filled with our murderers, and tlie last of tliem held 
two of the guns. The scene which followed this manifestation 
of the infernal treachery of our assassins is one that beggars 
all description. Some of the boats presented a broadside to 
the guns, others were raked from stem to stern by the shot. 
Volumes of smoke from the thatch somewhat vailed the full 
extent of the horrors of that morning. All who could move 
were speedily expelled from the boats by the heat of the flames ! 
Alas ! the wounded were burnt to death ; one mitigation 
only there was to their horrible fate — the flames were terrific- 
ally fierce, and their intense sufferings were not protracted. 
Wretched multitudes of women and children crouched behind 
the boats, or waded out into deep water and stood up to their 
chins in the river to lessen the probability of being shot. 
Meanwhile Major Vibart's boat, being of lighter draught than 
some, had got off and was drifting down the stream, her thatched 
roof unburnt. I threw into the Ganges my father's Chuznee 
medal, and my mother's portrait, all the property I had left, de- 
termined they should only have my life for a prey ; and with one 
final shudder at the deviltry enacting upon that bank, and which 
it was impossible to mitigate by remaining any longer in its 
reach, I struck out, swimming for the retreating boat. There 
were a dozen of us beating the water for life ; close by my side 
there Avere two brothers. Ensign Henderson — 56th Native In- 
fantry — and his brother, who had but recently come out to 
India. They both swam well for some distance, when the 
younger became weak, and although we encouraged him to the 
utmost, he went down in our sight, though not within our 
reach ; presently his survivor, J. W. Henderson, was struck 
on the hand by a grape-shot. He put the disabled arm over 
my shoulder, and with one arm each, we swam to the boat, 
which by this time had stranded on a bank close to the Oude 
side of the river. We were terribly exhausted when Captain 
Whiting pulled us in ; and had it not been for the sand-bank, 



240 HEKOES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

we mnst have perished. All of the other swimmers sank 
through exhaustion, or were shot in the water, except Lieutenant 
Harrison, of the 2d Light Cavalry, and private Murphy, 84th 
regiment. Harrison had left one of the hoats in company 
with a number of passengers, and by wading they reached a 
small island, about two hundred yards from the shore. While 
I was swimming past this islet, I saw three sowars of cavalry 
who had also waded from the Cawnpore bank. One of them 
cut down one of our women with his tulwar, and then made 
off for Harrison, who received him with a charge from his re- 
volver, and waited for the second man, whom he dispatched in 
like manner, whereupon the third took to the water on the 
shore-side of the ait, and Harrison, plunging in on the river- 
side, swam to Vibart's boat. While I was swimming, a second 
boat got away from the ghaut, and while drifting, was struck 
by a round shot below the water-mark, and was rapidly filling, 
when she came along side, and we took off the survivors of her 
party. Now the crowded state of our poor ark left little room 
for working her. Her rudder was shot away ; we had no oars, 
for these had all been thrown overboard by the traitorous boat- 
men, and the only implements that could be brought into use, 
were a spar or two, and such pieces of wood as we could in safety 
tear away from the sides. Grape and round shot flew about 
us from either bank of the river, and shells burst constantly on 
the sand-banks in our neighborhood. Alternately stranding 
and drifting, we were often within a hundred yards of the guns 
on the Oude side of the river, and saw them load, prime, and 
fire into our midst. Shortly after midday we got out of range 
of their great guns ; the sandy bed on the river bank had dis- 
abled their artillery bullocks, but they chased us the whole day, 
firing in volleys of musketry incessantly. 

On the 27th of June we lost, after the escape of the boat, 
Captain Moore, Lieutenants Ashe, Bolton, Burney, and Grlan- 
ville, besides many others, whose names I did not know. 



THE STORY OF CAWNPORE. 241 

Captain Moore was killed while attempting to push off the 
boat — a ball pierced him in the region of the heart ; Ashe and 
Bolton died in the same manner. Burney and Glanville were 
carried off by one round shot, which also shattered Lieutenant 
Fagan's leg to such an extent, that from the knee downward it 
was only held together by sinews. His sufferings were fright- 
ful, but he behaved with wonderful patience. I had a great 
regard for him, as he and I were griffs together at Benares. 
Just after I had been pulled into the boat, Mrs. Swinton, who 
was a relative of Lieutenant Jervis, of the Engineers, was 
standing up in the stern, and, having been struck by a round 
shot, fell overboard and sank immediately. Her poor little 
boy, six years old, came up to me and said, " Mamma has 
fallen overboard." I endeavored to comfort him, and told him 
mamma would not suffer any more pain. The little babe cried 
out, " 0, why are they firing upon us ? did not they promise 
to leave off?" I never saw the child after that, and suspect 
that he soon shared his mother's death. 

The horrors of the lingering hours of that day seemed as if 
they would never cease ; we had no food in the boat, and had 
nothing before starting. The water of the Ganges was all 
that passed our lips, save prayers, and shrieks, and groans 
The wounded and the dead were often entangled together in 
the bottom of the boat : to extricate the corpses was a work of 
extreme difficulty, though imperatively necessary from the 
di-eaded consequences of the intense heat, and the importance 
of lightening the boat as much as possible. 

In the afternoon of that day I saw a Sepoy from behind a 
tree deliberately taking aim at me : the bullet struck the side 
of my head, and I fell into the boat stunned by the wound. 
" We were just going to throw you overboard," was the greet- 
ing I had from some of the men when I revived. Six miles 
was the entire distance that we accomplished in the whole day ; 

at 5 P. M., we stranded, and as all our efforts to move the keel 

21 



242 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

an incTi were in vain, we resolved to stay there at all hazards 
till nightfall, in the hope that when darkness sheltered us we 
might be able to get out the women and lighten the craft suffi- 
ciently to push her off. They now sent a burning boat down 
the stream, in the hope that she would fall foul of us — provi- 
dentially the thing glided past us, though within a yard or two. 

At night they let fly arrows with lighted charcoal fastened to 
them, to ignite, if possible, the thatched roof, and this protec- 
tion we were, in consequence, obliged to dislodge and throw 
overboard. When we did succeed in getting adrift, the work 
of pushing away from the sand-banks was incessant ; and we 
spent as much of the night out, as we did in the boat. There 
was no moon, however, and although they did not cease firing 
at us till after midnight, they did us little damage. 

When the morning broke upon us, we saw none of our 
pursuers, and began to indulge the hope that they had given up 
the chase. We had, however, only made four miles in the 
entire night, and our prospects of escape can scarcely be said 
to have improved. About 8 A. M. we saw some natives 
bathing, and persuaded a native drummer, who was with us, 
to go and talk with them, and try to induce them to get us 
some food. The drummer took with him five rupees, and pro- 
cured from one of the bathers a promise to obtain food, and 
also, if possible, the assistance of some native boatmen. This 
man left his lotah — a cooking-pot, which the natives carry 
every-where with them — as a guarantee for his fidelity ; but we 
saw no more of him, and he informed our messenger that or- 
ders had been sent down to Nuzzuffghur, two miles further, to 
seize us, and that Baboo Ram Buksh of Dhownriakera, a pow- 
erful zemindar on the Oude side, had engaged that he would 
not suffer one of us to escape his territory. Captain Whiting 
now wrote with his pencil a brief statement of our utter aban- 
donment of all hope, put the scrap of paper into a bottle, and 
cast it into the river. At 2 P. M. we stranded off ]Sru<5zuffghur, 



THE STORY OF CAWNPORB. 243 

and they opened on us with musketry. Major Vibart had been 
shot through one arm on the previous day ; nevertheless he got 
out, and while helping to push off the boat was shot through 
the other arm. Captain Athill Turner had both his legs 
smashed. Captain Whiting was killed. Lieutenant Quin was 
shot through the arm ; Captain Seppings through the arm ; 
and Mrs. Seppings through the thigh. Lieutenant Harrison 
was shot dead. I took off his rings and gave them to Mrs. 
Seppings, as I thought the women might perhaps excite some 
commiseration, and that if any of our party escaped, it would 
be some of them. Blenman, our bold spy, was shot here in 
the groin, and implored some of us to terminate his sufferings 
with a bullet, but it might not be done. At this place they 
brought out a gun ; but while they were pointing it at us the 
rain came down in such torrents that they were not able to dis- 
charge it more than once. At sunset fifty or sixty natives 
came down the stream in a boat from Cawnpore, thoroughly 
armed, and deputed to board and destroy us. But they also 
grounded on a sand-bank ; and instead of waiting for them to 
attack us, eighteen -or twenty of us charged them, and few of 
their number escaped to tell the story. Their boat was well 
supplied with ammunition, and we appropriated it to our own 
use ; b\it there was no food, and death was now staring us in 
the face from that direction. That night we fell asleep, faint 
and weary, and expecting never to see the morrow ; but a hur- 
ricane came on in the night, and set us free again. Some of us 
woke in the mid-darkness, and found the boat floating ; some 
fresh hopes buoyed us up again ; but daylight returned to reveal 
the painful fact that we had drifted out of the navigable channel 
into a siding of the river opposite Soorajpore, Our pursuers 
speedily discovered us, and again opened with musketry on the 
boat, which was once more settled down deep in a sand- bank. 

At 9 o'clock, A. M., Major Vibart directed me, with Lieu- 
tenant Delafosse, Sergeant Grrady, and eleven privates of the 



244 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

84th. and 32d Regiments, to wade to the shore and drive off the 
Sepoys, while they attempted to ease off the boat again. It 
was a forlorn enterprise — that consigned to us — but it myste- 
riously contributed, by God's goodness, to the escape of four 
of our number. Maddened by desperation, we charged the 
crowd of Sepoys and drove them back some distance, till we 
were thoroughly surrounded by a mingled party of natives, 
armed and unarmed. We cut our way through these, bearing 
more wounds, but without the loss of a man ; and reached the 
spot at which we had landed, but the boat was gone. Our first 
thought was that they had got loose again, and were farther 
down the stream ; and we followed in that direction, but never 
saw either the boat or our doomed companions any more. Our 
only hope of safety now was in flight ; and, with a burning 
sun overhead, a rugged raviny ground, and no covering for the 
feet, it was no easy task for our half-famished party to make 
head ; but a rabble of ryots and Sepoys at our heels soon put 
all deliberation upon the course to be pursued, as it did our- 
selves, to flight. For about three miles we retreated, when I 
saw a temple in the distance, and gave orders to make for that. 
To render us less conspicuous as marks for the guns, we had 
separated to the distance of about twenty paces apart ; from 
time to time loading and firing as we best could upon the multi- 
tude in our rear. As lie was entering the temple, Sergeant 
Grady was shot through the head. I instantly set four of the 
men crouching down in the doorway with bayonets fixed, and 
their muskets so placed as to form a cheval-de-frise in the narrow 
entrance. The mob came on helter-skelter in such maddening 
haste that some of them fell or were pushed on to the bayonets, 
and their transfixed bodies made the barrier impassable to the 
rest, upon whom we, from behind our novel defense, poured 
shot upon shot into the crowd. The situation was the more 
favorable to us, in consequence of the temple having been built 
upon a base of brick-work three feet from the ground, and 



THE STORY OF CAWNPORE. 245 

approached by steps on one side. The brother of Baboo Ram 
Buksh, who was leading the mob, was slain here ; and his be- 
reaved relation was pleased to send word to the Nana that the 
English were thoroughly invincible. Foiled in their attempts 
to enter our asylum, they next began to dig at its foundation ; 
but the walls had been well laid, and were not so easily to be 
moved as they expected. They now fetched fagots, and from 
the circular construction of the building they were able to place 
them right in front of the doorway with impunity, there being 
no window or loop-hole in the place through which we could 
attack them, nor any means of so doing, without exposing our- 
selves to the whole mob at the entrance. In the center of the 
temple there was an altar for the presentation of gifts to the 
presiding deity ; his shrine, however, had not lately been en- 
riched, or it had more recently been visited by his ministering 
priests, for there were no gifts upon it. There was, however, 
in a deep hole in the center of the stone which constituted the 
altar, a hollow with a pint or two of water in it, which, al- 
though long since putrid, we bailed out with our hands, and 
sucked down with great avidity. When the pile of fagots 
had reached the top of the dooi'way, or nearly so, they set them 
on fire, expecting to suffocate us ; but a strong breeze kindly 
sent the great body of the smoke away from the interior of the 
temple. Fearing that the suffocating, sultry atmosphere Avould 
be soon insupportable, I proposed to the men to sell their lives 
as dearly as possible ; but we stood till the wood had sunk 
down into a pile of embers, and we began to hope that we 
might brave out their torture till night — apparently the only 
friend left us — would let us get out for food and attempted es- 
cape. But their next expedient compelled an evacuation ; for 
they brought bags of gunpowder, and threw them upon the 
red-hot ashes. Delay would have been certain suffocation — so 
out we rushed. The burning wood terribly marred our bare 
feet, but it was no time to think of trifles. Jumping the para- 



246 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

pet, we were in the thick of the rahble in an instant ; we fired 
a volley, and ran a-muck with the bayonet. Seven of our 
number succeeded in reaching the bank of the river, and we 
first threw in our guns and then ourselves. The weight of 
ammunition we had in the pouches carried us under the water ; 
while we were thus submerged, we escaped the first volley that 
they fired. We slipped off the belts, rose again, and sAvam ; 
and by the time they had loaded a second time, there were only 
heads for them to aim at. I turned around, and saw the banks 
of the river thronged with the black multitude, yelling, howling, 
and firing at us ; while others of their party rifled the bodies 
of the six poor fellows we had left behind. Presently two more 
were shot in the head ; and one private, Kyan, almost sinking 
from exhaustion, swam into a sand-bank and was knocked on 
the head by two or three ruffians waiting to receive him. These 
villains had first promised Lieutenant Delafosse and pi-ivate 
Murphy that if they would come to the shore they should be 
protected, and have food given to them. They were so much 
inclined to yield that they made toward the bank, but suddenly 
and wisely altered their determination. Infuriated with disap- 
pointment, one of them threw his club at Delafosse ; but in the 
bight of his energy lost his balance and fell into deep water ; 
the other aimed at Murphy, and struck him on the heel. For 
two or three hours we continued swimming ; often changing our 
position, and the current helping our progress. At length our 
pursuers gave up the chase ; a sowar on horseback was the last 
we saw of them. 

It turned out that we had reached the territory of a rajah 
who was faithful to Government — Dirigbijah Singh, of Moorar 
Mhow, in Oude. When no longer pursued, we tiirned into the 
shore to get rest, and saw two or three long-nosed alligators 
basking on a sand-bank. The natives afterward said that it 
was a miracle we had escaped their bottle-nosed brethren who 
feed on men. 



THE STORY OF CAWNPORE. 247 

We were sitting down by the shore, Avith the water up to 
our necks, still doubtful of our safety, when we heard voices 
and approaching footsteps, and again plunged into the stream, 
like terrified beasts of the wate:s. Our visitors proved to be 
retainers of the Rajah Dii'igbijah Singh, though their armed 
aspect, with swords, shields, and matchlocks, and our igno- 
rance of the loyal sanctions under which they lived, made them 
any thing but comforting in appearance to us. " Sahib ! Sa- 
hib ! why swim away? we are friends!" they shouted. I 
replied to them, " We have been deceived so often, that we are 
not inclined to trust any body." They said if we wished it, 
they would throw their arms into the river to convince us of 
their sincerity. Partly from the exhaustion which was now 
beginning to be utterly insupportable, and partly from the hope 
that they were faithful, we swam to the shore, and when we 
reached the shallow water, such was our complete prostration 
that they were obliged to drag us out ; we could not walk, 
our feet were burnt, and our frames famished. We had been 
swimming, without a moment's intermission, a distance of six 
miles since we left Soorajpore. They extricated me first ; and 
having laid me down upon the bank, covered me with one of 
their blankets. The others shortly followed, and, being equally 
done up, were indulged, for a few minutes, in like manner. I 
had on me no clothing but a flannel shirt. My coat and trow- 
sers, such as they were, had been taken off in the river to facil- 
itate progress. That flannel shirt I very greatly respect ; it 
went into the siege a bright pink, just as it had come from the 
hands of Messrs. Thresher and Glenny, who delight in such 
gayeties ; but if these very respectable venders could see it now 
they would never accredit it as from their establishment. Lieu- 
tenant Delafosse had nothing in the shape of clothing but a 
piece of sheeting round his loins ; and his shoulders were so 
burnt by exposure to the sun, that the skin was raised in huge 
blisters, as if he had just escaped death by burning. Sullivan 



248 HEROES OP THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

and Murphy were altogetlier destitute of clothing of any kind, 
and consequently suffered equally from the sun. Murphy had a 
cap-pouch, full of rupees, tied round his right knee ; but our 
generous preservers were not proof against the temptation, so 
they eased him of this load, and also of a ring which he wore, 
but when they found that this was made of English gold — 
which, on account of its alloy, the natives greatly despise — 
they gave it him back again. After we had rested a little, our 
captors proposed that we should go to the adjacent village ; and, 
supported by a native on each side of us, with his hands under 
our arm-pits, we partly walked, and were partly carried a dis- 
tance that seemed to us many miles, though not, in reality, 
more than three or four furlongs. We were so enfeebled that, 
in crossing a little current which had to be waded, they were 
obliged to use great strength to prevent our being washed away. 
As soon as we reached the village, they took us to the hut of 
the zemindar, who received us most kindly, commiserated with 
us upon our horrible condition, and gave us a hearty meal of 
dhal, chupatties, and preserves. 

THE ESCAPE. 

It was the evening of the 29th of June when we reached 
Moorar Mhow, and since the night of the 26th we had not 
tasted solid food. We soon asked for some information about 
the missing boat, and if it had passed down the river. They 
told us that it had been seized by a party of the Nana's men, 
and carried back to Cawnpore. While we were taking our 
food, a great crowd of the villagers surrounded the hut, and 
gazed with profound astonishment at us. They could scarcely 
believe that we had eluded all the precautions taken to effect our 
capture, although we were visibly before them. They said it 
was " J^huda-ki-miraee" — the will of God — and, I suppose, 
few will doubt that they were right. The meal being finished, 



THE STORY OF CAWNPORE. 249 

Delafosse and I lay down upon two charpo^'-s — native beds — 
and the privates upon the floor, and we were soon fast asleep. 
They woke us up between five and six o'clock, to say that a 
retainer of their Rajah had come to conduct us to the fort of 
Moorar Mhow. No clothing was furnished us, though Dela- 
fosse borrowed a blanket from the zemindar to cover his na- 
kedness. The walking was exquisite torture, from the condi- 
tion of our feet, and our progress was dilatory indeed till about 
half way, when guides met us with an elephant and pony. 
Sullivan and Murphy were suffering so much from their 
wounds that we gave them the elephant, and Delafosse and I 
bestrode the pony. The relief afforded by the quiet all around 
us, and by the returning sense of security, no words could de- 
scribe. We passed through several villages, in which our 
story had preceded us, and the ryots came out with milk and 
sweetmeats, of which we thankfully partook. Buffalo's milk 
and native sweets were truly delicious fare. 

Night had set in when we reached the residence of Dirigbi- 
jah Singh. The Rajah, a venerable old man, was sitting out 
of doors, surrounded by his retainers ; his vS,keel was at his 
right ; his two sons close at hand, and his body-guard, armed 
with swords, shields, and matchlocks. The whole group formed 
a most picturesque scene, as lighted up by the attendant torch- 
bearers ; they were altogether a strictly oriental company of 
about a hundred and fifty in number. The pony and elephant 
having been brought into the center, we alighted and salaamed 
to the Rajah. He had the whole tale of the siege narrated to 
him by us, asked after our respective rank in the army, and, hav- 
ing expressed great admiration at our doings, ordered us a sup- 
per, with abundance of native wine, assured us of our safety, 
promised hospitality, and had us shown to our apartment. All 
the domestic arrangements were in strictly native order, so that 
they had no beds to spare for us ; it must be remembered that 
our touch would have defiled them forever ; they provided us 



250 HEROES OP THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

with straw to lie upon, and gave us a sutringee eacli — a piece 
of carpet — to cover our bodies. that night's rest ! Thank- 
ful, but weary were we : amid many thoughts that chased each 
other through my distracted brain, I remember one ludicrously 
vivid ; it was this : how excellent an investment that guinea 
had proved which I spent a year or two before at the baths 
in Holborn, learning to swim ! And then the straw upon 
which we lay, though only fit for a pauper's bed in the vagrant 
ward of some English workhouse, it was to us welcome as the 
choicest down. In the morning a hukeem — native doctor — 
was sent to dress our wounds ; Sullivan and Murphy were 
suffering greatly ; my back and thigh were comparatively well, 
but the recent crack in the skull was acutely painful. Marvel- 
ous to say, Delafosse had not received a single wound. The 
doctor applied nim-leaf poultices, a very favorite recipe with 
the native leeches, but I found them so desperately irritating 
that I declined a second application of the kind. The native 
tailor came, also, by the Rajah's directions, and furnished us 
with trowsers and coat each of native cut ; and when Hindus- 
tani shoes were added to our toilet, we felt quite respectable 
again. Our host asked us how often we should like our meals. 
And he kindly arranged for us to have breakfast, luncheon, 
and a late dinner each day ; a great thing for a native house 
to accomplish, as the Brahmins, to whose company our friend 
belonged, only cook once a day, and all the feeding for the 
twenty-four hours is done with them at midday. The supplies 
they gave us were good, consisting of dhal, chupatties, rice, 
and milk ; twice during the month we staid at this hospitable 
residence they gave us kid's meat, the only animal food they 
touch ; and when a Brahmin has performed a pilgrimage to 
one of their shrines, he eats no animal food at all henceforth. 
But sweeter than these repasts was the sleep ; day after day, 
and week after week, we indulged in it, as if we had been fed 
upon opiates. The only interruption we suffered was caused 



THE STORY OF CAWNPORE, 251 

by the immense number of flies, wbich, attracted by the 
wounds, occasioned us considerable annoyance. 

We were allowed to walk about any where within the fort, 
but not beyond its sheltering walls, for the whole neighborhood 
was swarming with rebels. They frequently came inside the 
fort, and even into our room, armed to the teeth, but they did 
not dare to molest us, as some of the Rajah's body-guard were 
always in attendance upon us when we received company. 
Many a conversation we had with Sepoys. Some men of the 
56th Native Infantry, and others of the 53d Native Infantry, 
my own regiment, visited us, and talked freely over the state of 
affairs in general. The most frequent assertion made by them 
was, that our raj was at an end. I used to tell them they were 
talking nonsense, for in a short time reinforcements would ar- 
rive ; seventy or eighty thousand British troops would land in 
India and turn the tide the old way; "then the muskets you 
have in your hands," I said, "with the Government mark upon 
them, will change hands." 

"No, no," they said ; "the Nana has sent a sowar on a 
camel to Russia for assistance." 

I roared with laughter at the suggestion of such an expe- 
dition. 

"What are you laughing at. Lord Sahib ?" 

" 0, you are not very well up in your geography to talk in 
that fashion ; a camel might as well be sent to England for 
help." 

" The Nana says he has done so." 

" Suppose you gain the country, what shall you do with us ?" 

" The Nana will send you all down to Calcutta and ship you 
home, and when he has conquered India, he will embark for 
England and conquer that country." 

" Why, you Brahmins will not go to sea, will you ?" 

" yes ; only we shall not cook upon the voyage." 

With such canards as these the Bithoor man has imposed 



252 HEKOES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

upon the imbecile hordes around him ; they believe that the 
Russians are all Mohammedans, and that the armies of the Czar 
are to liberate the faithful and their land from the yoke of the 
Feringhees. Another of the Nana's fables is, that certain 
water-mills which were erected by the Company for grinding 
grain at a fixed charge for the villagers, were implements in the 
great work of forcible conversion, and that in the said mills 
pig-bone dust was mixed with the flour. 

The annexation of Oude was always upon their tongues ; 
they grew energetic in discussing this theme, and said that in 
consequence of that one act the Company's r9j would cease. It 
is very remarkable that the old prophecy of the Brahmin pun- 
dits, current in India ever since the battle of Plassy, that the 
Company's raj would last only one hundred years, has been 
verified, though not in the manner nor in the sense predicted. 
"What is the Company?" is a question often discussed in the 
villages, and various and conflicting are the answers that have 
been promulgated in reply ; the most prevalent opinion among 
the poor, benighted, swarthy subjects of the far-reaching rule of 
the potentates of Leadenhall-street, having been that the said 
Company was a nondescript brute, that swayed their destinies 
with a resistless scepter ; its species, genus, habitat, all un- 
known, but only 

" Monstrum liorrendiim, informe, ingens, cui lumen ademptum." 

Three times, during our stay at Moorar Mhow, the Nana sent 
down to our friendly protector, ordering him to surrender our 
persons. A sowar of the 2d Cavalry, and some Sepoys of the 
56th Native Infantry, brought the demand ; the last came into 
our apartment, had a chat with us, and asked us how we man- 
aged to escape. Our generous old host was deaf to all their 
persuasions and threats, and sent back word that he was a 
tributary to the King of Oude, and knew nothing of the Nana's 
r§j. If Nana, Azimoolah & Co. had not had more important 



THE STORY OF CAWNPORE. 253 

business in hand, they would have certainly attacked our refuge, 
rather than have allowed one relic of the Cawnpore garrison to 
escape alive ; but there is this charm about thackoor hospi- 
tality — once claimed, it is not to be dishonored by a trifle. 

News from Lucknow occasionally reached us, though by no 
means so reliable as the graphic communications of that prince 
o-f correspondents, the worthy Mr. Eussell ; for instance, we 
were told that the Muchee Bhowan had blown up with two hun- 
dred Europeans in it. One day the Punjaub was lost ; another 
day Madras and Bombay were gone into mutiny ; then a hun- 
dred thousand Sikhs were said to be marching south to extermi- 
nate the English. Our informants believed for themselves all 
these rumors, and, in fact, it was by such fictions that their wily 
leaders maintained the hold they had upon them. 

Every day the Rajah came to pay us a visit and talk with us 
klndljr, and he often told us that as soon as the adjacent coun- 
try was quiet, he would forward us to Allahabad. 

Much amusement was afforded us by seeing the daily per- 
formance of the devotions of this rigid Brahmin. A little 
temple detached from the residence was the sphere of operation. 
The priest, Khangee Loll by name, used to go first and prepare the 
offerings ; divesting himself of his shoes at the temple door, he 
walked in, and arranged beautiful flowers which had been 
plucked with the dew upon them, and deposited at the thresh- 
old by attendant Brahmins. All round the offerings these floral 
decorations were arranged with admirable effect in relation to 
their various hues. 

When the Rajah and his two sons made their entry, the 
shasters were taken out : all four of the worshipers intoned 
portions of these writings amid the tinkling of bells by the 
priest. After this, water from the Ganges was poured upon the 
flowers, and the daily service was complete. 

The Ranee often inquired after us by means of messengers. 
We never saw her ladyship, but the attendants told us, that the 



254 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

Venetians of her apartments were not impenetrably opaque 
from within, and that the old lady had seen lis, and was con- 
cerned for our welfare. Nothing that could contribute to our 
comfort escaped the kind and minute thoughtfulness of Dirig- 
bijah Singh. I wish he could read English, and peruse my 
humble effort to express the gratitude I owe to him. 

After we had been three weeks at Moorar Mhow, petted in 
this way by its generous proprietor, the tidings came that a 
steamer had gone up the Ganges. This was a vessel sent up 
by General Havelock from Allahabad to explore in the Cawn- 
pore region. In consequence of this, and because a native who 
had been in the service of the railroad told him that if he did 
not make arrangements to send us away, our stay might be in- 
terpreted into a forcible detention, the Rajah had us conveyed 
down to a little hamlet within his territory, on the banks of the 
river. An elephant, escorted by a guard, conveyed us thither 
at night ; the parting was quiet, in order that the attention of 
the rebels in the neighborhood might not be excited. With 
abundant expressions of thanks, and some regret, we said fare- 
well to the old brick. I am enabled, with sincere gratification, 
to add, that Dirigbijah Singh's claims upon the gratitude of the 
Government of India have not been overlooked ; and his loy- 
alty to the Company at a time when almost the whole of Oude 
was in rebellion, and his generosity to us, poor, friendless 
refugees, have met with the well-deserved recognition of a hand- 
some pension. " May his shadow never be less !" 

Our residence at the little hut on the bank of the river was 
one of the strictest seclusion. Provisions were brought to us 
twice a day, and a native guard was posted at the door. One 
day the sentry told us that all kinds of European furniture and 
papers were floating down the river, and, at my request, he 
went to the ghaut to see if he could catch any thing, and pres- 
ently returned with a volume bearing the well-known inscrip- 
tion, " bSd Regiment, Native Infardry Book Club," This was 



THE STORY OF CAWNPORE. 255 

all he could get of the debris of houses, library, and offices, but 
it was enough to indicate the extent of the destruction effected 
by the rebels when the recapture of Cawnpore by General Have- 
lock was impending. After remaining five or six days in our 
retreat, the Rajah came to us, and said, as no more steamers 
appeared to be going up the river, he had made arrangements 
to convey us, on the morrow, to a friendly zemindar, who lived 
in the neighborhood of Futtehpore, and who had engaged to 
take measures for our safe conduct to the nearest European en- 
campment. Accordingly, the next morning we were ferried 
across the river, and escorted to our new host. When we ap- 
proached the zemindar, he held out his hand with a rupee upon 
the palm, the native intimation of fidelity to the state. We 
touched the coin, and the covenant of hospitality was thus in 
simple formality settled. The old Rajah of Moorah Mhow had 
evidently provided for our safety and comfort, as nothing was 
omitted in these new quarters that could conduce to either. On 
the morning of the third day after crossing from Oude, a bul- 
lock hackery was drawn up to the zemindar's hut, and, escorted 
by four of his men, we were driven in the direction of Allaha- 
bad. It was a cross-country road, and our vehicle was inno- 
cent of all springs ; but we were at last on the way to our own 
flag, and not by any means in a state of mind to indulge in 
complaints or criticisms. After four or five miles of jolting, 
the native driver, in great alarm, said there were guns planted 
in the road ; we looked ahead, but for some time saw no 
troops. In a short time an English sentry appeared in view, 
and I walked up to him. Upon his giving the challenge, I 
told him we wished to be taken to his commanding officer. 
Our bronzed countenances, grim beards, huge turbans, and tout- 
ensemhle caused them to take us for a party of Afghans. How- 
ever, Murphy soon recognized some of his old comrades of 
the 84th ; and they greeted us with a truly British cheer, though 
for a long time dubious of our statement that we had escaped 



256 HEKOES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

from the massacre of Cawnpore. We were speedily introduced 
to the officers of the party, which proved to be a detachment, 
consisting of part of the 84th Eegiment and half of Olphert's 
battery, going up to Cawnpore. Lieutenant, now Captain 
Woolhouse, of the 84th; Captain Young, of the 4th Native 
Infantry ; and Lieutenant Smithett, of Olphert's battery, gave 
us a hearty reception. The whole camp was impatient for our 
story, and we equally impatient to partake of English fare. 
Never was the beer of our country more welcome ; and that first 
meal, interspersed with a fire of cross-questioning about the 
siege and our subsequent history, inquiries after lost comrades 
and relatives, and occasional hints at the masquerade style of 
our accouterment, made a strangely-mingled scene of congrat- 
ulation, humor, lamentation, and good-will. Our hunger ap- 
peased, the best arrangements possible were made for our com- 
fort. Captain Woolhouse gave me a share of his wagon ; 
Captain Young contributed from his wardrobe ; Lieutenant 
Smithett shared his creature comforts with Delafosse. Sullivan 
and Murphy were dealt with in like manner by the non-com- 
missioned officers and privates, and the exceeding kindness of 
the whole company was brought to bear upon our forlorn and 
indigent condition. Captain Woolhouse's servant shaved my 
head all round the wound, and the surgeon's dresser of the 
84th bound it up. 

The detachment we had joined was in Havelock's rear, and 
about thirty miles from Cawnpore, so that we were once more 
on the road to the center of the war and the site of our old 
calamities. As we passed along the way, we often saw the 
bodies of natives hanging to the trees, sometimes two or three, 
and in one instance seven hanging to one tree, in various stages 
of destruction from jackals and vultures. These were criminals 
who had been executed by the General's order ; one of them for 
attempting to sell poisoned liquor to the troops, others in con- 
sequence of having been identified as mutinous Sepoys. 



THE STORY OF CAWNPORE. 257 

The traces of tlie General's battles were strewn on all sides 
of our route — pieces of gun carriages, remains of hastily-im- 
provised intrenchments ; and in one village there were a couple 
of the enemy's guns, which had been taken and left behind 
spiked. While upon the march, letters were received by Cap- 
tain Woolhouse from General Neill, warning him to keep a 
good look-out, as the enemy's cavalry were reported to be close 
to the road on the left side ; several alarms were given, but no 
attack upon us was made. 

In one of the villages some of the 84th men had strayed, 
and while engaged in some expedition which involved their own 
personal advantage, they caught sight of some horsemen, and 
panic-stricken they returned, shouting, " The cavalry are 
coming." The column was halted, further inquiries made, 
and the formidable foe proved to be some syces on the Govern- 
ment post-horses who had decamped, fearing that the foragers 
would steal their cattle. In three days after joining Captain 
Woolhouse, we reentered Cawnpore. When we came in 
sight of the old intrenched position, I went off to survey each 
well-remembered post of anxious observation. Where we had 
left parched and sunburnt ground, covered with round shot, 
fragments of shell and grape, the grass was now luxuriantly 
thick. It seemed as though nature had been anxious to conceal 
the earth's face, and shut out as far as possible the traces of 
the sufferings caused by some, and endured by others of her 
sons. It was early morning when I went alone and pondered 
over that silent well, and its unutterable memories. Fragments 
of Sepoy skeletons were kicked up by the feet here and there, 
while the walls of the barracks were pitted and scored all over 
with shot marks. There was not a square yard in either of 
the buildings free from the scars of shot. I went in the same 
solitude all round the principal posts of the enemy, the mess- 
house, and the church, where a few weeks before I had seen 

hundreds of natives swarming around us in the hope of com- 

22 



258 HEROES OP THE INDIAN REBELLION". 

passing tlie destruction of every European life there. Many 
times afterward I paced the same position, but never with the 
emotions of that first lonely retrospect. Coming up again 
with the column, I entered with them the new intrenchment 
which had been made by Lieutenant Russell, of the Engineers, 
under General Neill. As soon as it got wind that we had 
arrived. General Neill sent for Lieutenant Delafosse and myself, 
heard the outlines of our story, and honored us with an invi- 
tation to dine with him the same evening. The General ap- 
pointed Delafosse to assist Major Bruce, whose manifold duties 
of police presented a fair field for constant occupation, as they 
involved secret service, executions, raising native police, and 
the sale of plunder. I was appointed by General Havelock 
assistant field engineer to his force under Colonel Crommelin, 
in the superintendence of works to resist a second attack upon 
Cawnpore. Captain Woolhouse, our generous benefactor and 
friend, went with Havelock to Lucknow, and lost an arm there ; 
he was the only officer who survived amputation in that campaign. 
One of the earliest casualties after our arrival was the death of 
Captain Young, who had served under Havelock in Persia, had 
followed him to Cawnpore as a volunteer, and was now oc- 
cupied in raising police at Futtehpore, a most hazardous service, 
as he was alone in the midst of an excited multitude of natives. 
He dined with General Neill, went to sleep in Colonel Olphert's 
tent, and died of cholera the next morning. This officer was, 
as well as a thorough soldier, a most accomplished linguist, 
and was famous for that rare attainment among Europeans, 
his most exquisite Persian writing. 

My familiarity with the details of the siege introduced me to 
many an expedition of parties of officers to the melancholy site. 
I had the honor of pointing out to Generals Neill and Sir Hope 
Grant, as well as to Captain Layard, of Nineveh celebrity, the 
chief points of interest, besides accompanying thither brother offi- 
cers who had lost friends and relatives on that carnage-ground. 



THE STORY OP CAWNPORE. 259 



THE MASSACRE. 

Mr. Sherer, the newly-appointed magistrate of Cawnpore, 
who had come up with Havelock's force, exerted himself to 
the utmost to obtain all possible information respecting the fate 
of those who had not been shot at the time of embarkation, as 
well as of the party taken back in Major Vibart's boat from 
Soorajpore. He had prosecuted most extensive inq[uiries 
throughout the native city, and the most reliable accounts 
which he obtained were in pui'port as follows : 

After the men, who had not escaped in the two boats, had all 
been shot at the ghaut, the women and children were dragged 
out of the water into the presence of the Nana, who ordered 
them to be confined in one of the buildings opposite the As- 
sembly rooms ; the Nana himself taking up his residence in 
the hotel which was close at hand. When Major Vibart's boat 
was brought back from Soorajpore, that party also was taken 
into the Nana's presence, and he ordered the men and women 
to be separated ; the former to be shot, and the remainder to 
join the captives in the dwelling or dungeon beside the hotel. 
Mrs. Boyes, the wife of Dr. Boyes, of the 2d Cavalry, refused 
to be separated from her husband ; other ladies of the party 
resisted, but were forcibly torn away, a work of not much dif- 
ficulty when their wounded, famished state is considered. All 
the efforts, however, of the Sepoys to sever Mrs. Boyes from 
her husband were unavailing ; they were therefore all drawn up 
in a line just in front of the Assembly rooms. Captain Sep- 
pings asked to be allowed to read prayers ; this poor indulgence 
was given ; they shook hands with one another, and the Sepoys 
fired upon them. Those that were not killed by the volley they 
dispatched with their tulwars. The spy who communicated 
these facts could not tell what became of the corpses, but there 
is little doubt they were thrown into the river, that being the 



260 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

native mode of disposing of them. Captain Seppings, Lieu- 
tenant Quin, and Dr. Boyes were all the officers that I know 
certainly to have been of that unhappy number. As I never 
could gather that Major Vibart or Lieutenant Masters were 
there, I suspect they died of their wounds while being taken 
back. The wretched company of women and children now con- 
sisted of 210 ; namely, 163 survivors from the Cawnpore garri- 
son, and 47 refugees from Futtehghur, of whom that Bithoor 
butcher had murdered all the males except three officers, whose 
lives he spared for some purpose, but for what it is impossible 
to say. The captives were fed with only one meal a day of 
dhal and chupatties, and these of the meanest sort ; they had 
to eat out of earthen pans, and the food was served by menials 
of the lowest caste — mehter — which in itself was the greatest 
indignity that easterns could cast upon them. They had no 
furniture, no beds, not even straw to lie down upon, but only 
coarse bamboo matting of the roughest make. The house in 
which they were incarcerated had formerly been occupied as the 
dwelling of a native clerk ; it comprised two principal rooms, 
each about twenty feet long and ten broad, and besides these a 
number of dark closets rather than rooms, which had been 
originally intended for the use of native servants ; in addition 
to these, a court-yard, about fifteen yards square, presented the 
only accommodation for these two hundred most wretched 
victims of a brutality in comparison with which hereafter the 
black hole of Calcutta and its sharp but short agonies must 
sink into insignificance. It is said that during the former part 
of their captivity, several of them went to the Nana imploring 
some commiseration with their wretched state, but in vain ; 
and they desisted altogether from such applications in conse- 
quence of one of their number having been cruelly ill-treated 
by the brutal soldiery. Closely guarded by armed Sepoys, many 
of them suffering from wounds, all of them emaciated with scanty 
food, and deprived of all means of cleanliness, the deep, dark 



THE STORY OF CAWNPORE. 261 

horrors of the prisoners in that dungeon must remain to their 
full extent unknown, and even unimagined. 

The spies, all of them, however, persisted in the statement, 
that no indignities were committed upon their virtue ; and as 
far as the most penetrating investigation into their most horrible 
fate has proceeded, there is reason to hope that one, and only- 
one exception to the bitterest of anguish was allotted to them — 
immunity from the brutal violence of their captors' worst pas- 
sions. Fidelity requires that I should allege what appears to 
me the only reason of their being thus spared. When the 
siege had terminated, such was the loathsome condition into 
which, from long destitution and exposure, the fairest and 
youngest of our women had sunk, that not a Sepoy would have 
polluted himself with their touch. 

The advance of General Havelock, and his attempt to liberate 
them, brought the crisis of their fate. Azimoolah persuaded 
the Nana that the General was only marching upon Cawnpore 
in the hope of rescuing the women and children, and that if 
they were killed, the British forces would retire, and leave 
India. 

All accounts agree in the statement, that the feted, honored 
guest of the London season of 1854, was the prime instigator 
in the most foul and bloody massacre of 1857. 

On the 13th of July Havelock encountered the Nana's troops 
at Futtehpore, under Teekah Singh, a resildar of the 2d Cavalry. 
The valorous chief and his little band totally routed the Sepoys, 
captured all their guns, and scattered their survivors, in utter 
confusion, back toward Cawnpore. The marvel of this victory 
was not so much in success, as in success under such circum- 
stances. Havelock's column had marched twenty-four miles 
that day, and Major Eenaud's nineteen miles, under the heat of 
a July sun. On the 15th of July the British forces were again 
engaged, with like results, at Pandoo Nuddy : on that day the 
Nana put all his captives to death. Havelock was then twenty- 



262 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

four miles from Cawnpore. On the 16th he fought another 
action, defeating the Nana in person, after a battle of two 
hours and a half. On the morning of the 17th General Have- 
lock entered the city, from which the native populace had fled 
in every direction to the villages adjacent. 

Short, but frequent, were the dispatches that marked his 
triumphant progress along the path of fire. The following is 
that which he drew breath to pen on the 17th of July : 

"By the blessing of God, I recaptured this place yesterday, 
and totally defeated Nana Sahib in person, taking more than 
six guns, four of siege caliber. The enemy were strongly 
posted behind a succession of villages, and obstinately disputed, 
for the one hundred and forty minutes, every inch of the 
ground ; but I was enabled, by a flank movement to my right, 
to turn his left, and this gave us the victory. Nana Sahib had 
barbarously murdered all the captive women and children be- 
fore the engagement. He has retired to Bithoor, and blew up 
this morning, on his retreat, the Cawnpore magazine. He is 
said to be strongly fortified. I have not yet been able to get in 
the return of the killed and wounded, but estimate my loss at 
about seventy, chiefly from the fire of grape." 

The explosion of the magazine referred to in this dispatch, 
we heard at Moorar Mhow, a distance of thirty miles, as dis- 
tinctly as if it had been the firing of a gun in the Rajah's fort. 

When Mr. Sherer entered the house of horrors, in which the 
slaughter of the women had been perpetrated, the rooms were 
covered with hximan gore ; articles of clothing that had be- 
longed to women and children, collars, combs, shoes, caps, and 
little round hats, were found steeped in blood ; the walls were 
spattered with blood, the mats on the floor saturated, the plaster 
sides of the place were scored with sword cuts, and pieces of 
long hair were all about the room. No writing was upon the 
walls ; and it is supposed that the inscriptions, which soon be- 
came numerous, were put there by the troops, to infuriate each 



THE STORY OF CAWNPORE. 268 

other in the work of revenging the atrocities that had been per- 
petrated there. There is no doubt that the death of the un- 
happy victims was accomplished by the sword, and that tiieir 
bodies, stripped of all clothing, were thrown into an adjacent 
well. 

A Bible was found that had belonged to Miss Blair, in which 
she had written : 

" 27th June. Went to the boats. 

29th . Taken out of boats. 

30th . Taken to Sevadah Kothi, fatal day." 

One officer who was present, wrote, " I picked up a mutilated 
prayer-book ; it had lost the cover, but on the fly-leaf is written, 
' For dearest mamma, from her affectionate Louis, Jime, 1845.' 
It appears to me to have been opened on page 36, in the Litany, 
where I have but little doubt those poor dear creatures sought 
and found consolation, in that beautiful supplication. It is 
here sprinkled with blood. The book has lost some pages at 
the end, and terminates with the 47th Psalm, in which David 
thanks the Almighty for his signal victories over his enemies." 

The only other authentic writings that wei-e left in that den 
of death were two pieces of paper, bearing the following words. 
The first was written by one of the Misses Lindsay. 

"Mamma died, July 12th, (that is, Mrs. G. Lindsay.) 
Alice died, July 9th, (daughter of above.) 
George died, June 27th, (Ensign G. Lindsay, 10th N. I.) 
Entered the barracks, May 21st. 
Cavalry left, June 5th. 
First shot fired, June 6th. 

Uncle AVilly died, June 18th, (Major W. Lindsay.) 
Aunt Lilly died, June 17th, (Mrs. W. Lindsay.) 
Left barracks, June 27th." 

The other, in an unknown hand, ran thus : 
" We went into the barracks on the 21st of May. The 2d 
Cavalry broke out at two o'clock in the morning of the 5th 



264 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

of June, and the other regiments went off during the day. 
The next morning, while we were sitting out in front of the 
barracks, a twenty-four-pounder came flying along and hit the 
intrenchment, and from that day the firing went on till the 
25th of June, when the enemy sent a treaty, which the General 
agreed to, and on the 27th we all left the B [intrenched bar- 
racks] to go down to A [Allahabad] in boats ; when we got to 
the river, the enemy began firing on us, killed all the gentle- 
men and some of the ladies ; set fire to the boats, some were 
drowned, and we were taken prisoners and taken to a house, 
put all in one room." 

In a native doctor's house there was found a list of the cap- 
tives, written in Hindee ; and from this it appears that a num- 
ber of the sufferers died from their wounds and from cholera, 
which broke out in their midst. 

Captain Thompson was subsequently appointed to the com- 
mand of native police in the Cawnpore district. On the 3d of 
February, 1858, he was severely wounded in an engagement 
with a body of rebels, on the road to Calpee, and was obliged 
to submit to hospital life for three weeks, after which he re- 
turned on furlough to England. 



NARRATIVE OF THE SIEGE OF DELHI. 265 



THE CHAPLAIN'S NARRATIVE 

OF THE SIEGE OF DELHI. 
THE OUTBREAK. 

On the lOth of May, 1857, the first symptoms of the revolt 
in India manifested themselves at Meerut. The 3d Regiment 
of Bengal Light Cavalry was quartered at that station, and the 
earliest intimation that was received of the seeds of mutiny 
having been sown, was gathered from the fact of the men of 
that corps refusing to receive the cartridge which they had previ- 
ously been in the habit of using, on the ground that it was a 
new cartridge, containing grease of some kind, which would 
break their caste if they consented to receive it. This, how- 
ever, was a mere pretext, used to serve an occasion. This re- 
fusal, on the part of the men, was met with promptness by 
the authorities. Eighty-five troopers wei-e placed under arrest, 
brought to trial, and sentenced by a court-martial, composed 
of native officers, to various terms of imprisonment ; in no 
case, however, exceeding ten years. At sunrise, on Saturday, 
May 9th, the whole of the troops stationed at Meerut, both 
European and native, were paraded to hear the sentence passed, 
and to witness its being carried into effect. The prisoners 
were marched on to the parade-ground, and then made over to 
the civil authorities, after the convict-irons had been fastened 
on them. They were then incarcerated by the magistrate in 
the common jail, as a preliminary step to their being trans- 
ferred to some of the Government central prisons, such as Agra 

or Bareilly. Unfortunately, however, the precaution of placing 

23 



266 HEEOES or the Indian rebellion. 

a European guard over the prisoners was overlooked, and the 
prison was left to the protection of native soldiers. 

No immediate signs of disaffection followed the committal 
of the prisoners. The whole of Saturday passed off quietly, 
and no disturbance was reported till late in the afternoon of 
Sunday, the 10th of May. The first intimation that I received 
of the outbreak was from a female servant, who came to my 
wife, and said to her, with very anxious and troubled looks, 
" 0, madam, do n't go to church this afternoon !" The car- 
riage was then at the door, ready to take us to church, and the 
service was appointed to commence in a quarter of an hour 
from the time this speech was made. Hearing this singular 
request addressed to my wife, I naturally enough inquired, 
" Why should not madam go to church this evening ?" The 
servant rejjlied, "Because there will be a fight." I asked, 
"Who will fight?" The woman answered, "The Sepoys." 
Of course, I could not give any credence to such a statement. 
I had to preach in the evening, and had been in my study all 
day long in course of preparation. There was nothing for me 
now to do but to hasten to church ; and, to quiet my wife's 
fears, I consented to both the children accompanying us in the 
carriage, together with this faithful servant, who was to take 
charge of them in the church compound, while divine service 
was being solemnized. This was the only precaution I felt 
it necessary to take, in connection with our servant's state- 
ment ; as to weapons, fire-arms, or sword, or any thing more 
effective than a walking-cane, the same I used at Cambridge, I 
had none ; nor did I much fear that during my whole service 
in India, I should ever want more, either for the protection of 
myself or my family. I was soon convinced, however, that 
there was some credit due to the servant's statement. The 
sounds of musketry, and the pillars of smoke ascending into 
the air, and proceeding from the burning bungalows, or houses, 
in the native lines of cantonment, forced upon me the convic- 



NARRATIVE OF THE SIEGE OF DELHI. 267 

tion that miscliief had already commenced. By and by I heard 
the Eifle bugles sound the alarm and assembly. The canton- 
ment was now evidently in motion ; troops were assembling, 
and people congregating ; the church parade dispersed, and was 
converted into a general assembly of troops of the three arms. 
Amid all this energy, there was one thing which apparently 
impressed every one — the delay in leading the troops from the 
grand parade-ground to the scene of mutiny and bloodshed. 
The native soldiery, and the fellows of baser sort in the bazars, 
had ample time to commit the greatest outrages in consequence 
of this simple fact. 

Some people affirm that the mutineers' original plan was to 
have marched up in a large body, and to have first seized the 
arms of the Rifles, who would have been in church, having 
their side-arms only with them ; they were then to have sur- 
rounded the church, and put every soul within its walls to 
death. But, according to my informants, the church-bells 
misled the rebels, and thus frustrated their plan ; and if there 
be the least ground for this part of the account, we have an- 
other instance of the wonder-working providence of God, who 
brings about and accomplishes his great works of mercy 
through the simplest accidents of human life. But, however 
much truth there may be attaching to this story, one thing is 
very certain, the outbreak at Meerut was premature. There 
was a deep-laid scheme ; and a simultaneous and universal 
outburst of popular vengeance was intended. A day was fixed 
upon in the counsels of the mutineers for the massacre of 
every European and Christian person in India ; some say from 
Calcutta to Peshawur. That day was drawing near at hand. 
The mutineers of Meerut simply anticipated it. It was this 
act of anticipation which brought to light the hidden works 
of darkness, and made manifest that which would not other- 
wise have been revealed. 

It was utterly impossible to pass any portion of the night 



268 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

of Sunday, the 10th of May, in sleep. My wife, with the 
children, returned at a very late hour to our bungalow from the 
quarter-guard of Her Majesty's 60th Rifles, where I had con- 
signed them shortly after leaving our home for church ; but 
while the unsuspecting little ones reposed in profound security 
beneath the paternal roof, we continued wakeful, and watching 
their peaceful slumbers with painful interest. The moon was 
up and shining, and we sat all night beneath its pale and 
uncertain light, thinking of the probable fate of friends in the 
native lines, quite at the other extreme of the station, and 
anticipating what would befall our Christian brethren in Delhi 
on the coming morn, who, less happy than ourselves, had no 
faithful and friendly European battalions to shield them from 
the bloodthirsty rage of the Sepoys. 

It was not till sunrise on Monday that any one knew, with 
any thing like certainty, the extent of the atrocities committed 
by the savages within the cantonment of Meerut:. What spec- 
tacles of terror met the eye almost simultaneously with the 
return of the day ! The lifeless and mutilated corpses of men, 
women, and children were here and there to be seen, some of 
them so frightfully disfigured, and so shamefully dishonored in 
death, that the very recollection of such sights chills the blood, 
and makes one rue the day that ever dawned upon such scenes 
of merciless carnage. We can even now hardly realize the 
past — so dreadful was the reality — as within the province of 
stubborn and substantial fact. 

Intelligence reached the Brigadier in command at Delhi, that 
troopers of the Native Cavalry were on their way from Meerut, 
murdering all the Europeans in their path. He at once ordered 
out a regiment of native soldiers, considered loj'^al, and attacked 
the rebels. The result was that the European officers were shot 
down at once. The city was soon in flames in different quar- 
ters, and the mutineers from Meerut entered the Palace gates. 
They soon after, in the name of the King of Delhi, demanded 



NARRATIVE OF THE SIEGE OF DELHI. 269 

the magazine, which demand was treated with scorn. They 
attempted to carry it by storm, and were evidently on the point 
of succeeding, from the wholesale desertions within our camp, 
when three heroic officers fired the train, and a tremendous ex- 
plosion took place, killing hundreds of our assailants. 

The officers and ladies were now gathered in the Flag-Staff 
Tower. Every attempt to bring the men into order revealed 
new defections ; whole regiments turned upon their officers and 
shot them down. 

The company at the Flag-Staff Tower now determined upon 
falling back, if possible, some on Kurnaul and Umballa, and 
others on Meerut. Carriages were seen wending their way in 
the direction of the Kurnaul road. There was a general flight. 
To remain longer was simply to court certain death. Among 
those who thus fled, numbers, after the endurance of long ex- 
posure, severe hardships, and many an imminent danger, event- 
ually found a city of refuge in Kurnaul, or Meerut, or Umballa ; 
others, again, cruelly perished on the road. 

On the 27th of May a small detachment of troops set out 
from Meerut to take the field, and on the 7th of June joined 
the main army, under Major-General Barnard, at Aleepore. 

The next day at one o'clock the tents were struck for our 
march on Delhi. On the morning of the succeeding day the 
enemy fired upon us, and the din of war commenced. The 
enemy was driven back, and we captured many guns. 

The enemy's policy soon peered out. It consisted in harass- 
ing and wearing out our men by daily attacks, and constant 
exposure to the sun. This policy was made manifest on the 
very day after our camp was pitched on the site where it re- 
mained from the night of the 8th of June till the end of Sep- 
tember ; without exception, the very worst period of the year 
for life in tents any where in the plains of India, but more par- 
ticularly on the parade-ground of the Delhi cantonments, which 
all past experiments of native regiments had proved to be 



270 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

the most unliealthy station for troops in the north-western 
provinces. 

The ground on which our camp was pitched is bounded in 
the rear by the canal, which had the advantages of bridges on 
either extreme, and which the enemy, previously to our ap- 
proach, tried to destroy, but only partially succeeded in the ■ 
effort. In the front it was defended by the hights or ridges 
overlooking cantonments, and which we had taken from the 
mutineers only the day before. On the extreme right of our 
position was Subzi Mundi, or the vegetable market ; and nearer 
to camp was what we designated the Mound, where we afterward 
erected a battery of large guns, named the "Mound Battery;" 
on the extreme left of the camp flowed the river Jumna. 

We had batteries at the "Mosque," at Hindoo Rao's house, 
and the " Observatory," and some light field-pieces at the Flag- 
Stafif Tower, almost on the spot where Captain De Teissier 
planted his two guns on the 11th of May, the day of the mutiny 
at Delhi. These several batteries commanded the approaches 
from the city. With the deficiency in numbers of our force 
generally, it was utterly impossible to advance nearer to the 
walls. The nearest battery must have been at a distance of 
1,500 yards, or even upward. Breaching was literally impos- 
sible under such circumstances, and with the ordnance we had. 
The main picket was at Hindoo Rao's house, and was com- 
manded from the very first by Major Reid, of the Sirmoor Bat- 
talion, who, it is alleged, never left his post, even to come into 
camp, from the time he assumed command of it till the 14th of 
September, the day of the storming operations, when he was 
severely wounded at Kissen Gunge. It would perhaps be im- 
possible to single out a more devoted or gallant ofiicer than 
Major Reid, or one more cool under the heaviest fire. His 
picket was literally his home. 

I think it was on the 9th of June that the " Guides Corps '* 
came into camp. This was the first installment of the Punjaub 



NAKRATIVE OF THE SIEGE OF DELHI. 271 

reinforcements, which Sir John Lawrence, the " Chief Com- 
missioner in the Punjaub," sent to us from time to time. 
Without such a man, at such a crisis, or in any other place but 
the one which he fortunately occupied, I dread to think what 
might have happened to the British cause. Under God, it was 
Sir John's controlling and master-mind which saved Upper 
India. Again and again he robbed the province over which he 
presides of its own legitimate and barely sufficient military 
stays and supports, to feed the scanty numbers of the Delhi 
Field Force, growing yet more scanty still, and that daily, from 
constant engagement with the enemy, and from losses by disease. 

Too much can not be said in praise of the " Guides Corps." 
Of native regiments they are second to none. Their services 
on the Peshawur frontier, and in various parts of the Punjaub, 
has gained them a well-earned reputation in India. And it is 
reported that, upon the occasion of their march toward Delhi, 
they traveled the entire distance from Murdan, in Eusufzye, to 
the camp — not much less than 600 British miles — in twenty- 
two days ; a march which General Sir Harry Barnard believed 
to have no parallel on record. Notwithstanding this fact, the 
Guides were pronounced, at the end of the march, by the officer 
commanding the "Field Force," to be in perfect order, and 
fitted for immediate service in the field ; the correctness of 
which opinion was put to an impartial test, and established be- 
yond doubt, in a very short time after their arrival among us. 
They went directly from the fatigues of a harassing march to 
actual engagement with the enemy below the hights, bravely led 
by their Commander-in-chief, Captain Daly. 

A very dashing young officer, with whom I had a ministerial 
interview, the night before he passed away, commanded the 
cavalry portion of the Guides, that corps being composed of 
both cavalry and infantry. As I have already said, the enemy 
engaged us during the day. They attacked our main picket at 
Hindoo Rao — the key of our position — and attempted to take 



272 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

our guns. The commandant of the Guides cavalry, young and 
valiant, the pride of his men, of course, took part in the fight, 
and was, alas ! mortally wounded. His career was hrief hut 
full of glory ; indeed, it would he difficult to say which was 
more glorious, his rising or his setting sun. His devotion to 
his country shone very conspicuously and brilliantly even in 
anticipation of death. He seems to have been fond of classic 
quotation ; and perchance, from frequent familiarity with the 
authors of Greece and Rome in his hoyhood and school-days, 
he imbibed the first inspirations of that noble military spirit 
which afterward so preeminently distinguished him. Upon 
this sorrowful occasion, as he lay languishing from his wound, 
in camp, he exclaimed — a smile playing at one and the same 
time upon his handsome and manly countenance — " Dulce et 
decorum pro patria mori." Thus died, on the 10th of June, 
1857, rejoicing in the cause of his death, Quintin Battye, one 
of the noblest of England's younger sons, a simple Lieutenant 
in the 56th Regiment Bengal Native Infantry. 

The first appearances of cholera in the camp showed them- 
selves early on the morning of the 9th of June. There had 
been a few cases along the line of march. Captain Howell, of 
the 1st European Bengal Fusileers, died of this disease at Alee- 
pore, on the 7th of June. Two of the doctors, the surgeon 
and assistant-surgeon of Her Majesty's 75th Foot, were simul- 
taneously attacked on the morning of the 9th. The two pa- 
tients were striking contrasts. The one was a man of Herculean 
build. His whole appearance indicated great strength ; he was 
tall of stature, of robust and apparently muscular frame ; in- 
deed, his physique reminded one forcibly of the giants of old, 
of whom we read in sacred and profane lore. He was a lion 
of a man. The other was the very reverse, and how different 
the destiny of each ; for one there was life, for the other, death. 

But the chief excellency of Surgeon Coghlan did not merely 
consist in physical greatness ; he was as large in heart as in 



NAKKATIVE OF THE SIEGE OF DELHI. 273 

person, and to this fact the testimony of the regiment was uni- 
versal. It was in every one's mouth, from the colonel com- 
manding, downward, " Never had regiment such a doctor." 
It seems he had cholera only a few days before this last attack 
to which I am referring, and battled successfully against it. 
The moment, however, he was convalescent, he threw himself 
heart and soul into his regimental charge. Report says of him, 
that he was most careful of every one but himself. With his 
own system he seemed to believe that he might take the greatest 
liberties. And, alas for himself, his family, and the public 
sei'vice ! he did so once too often. His strong frame could not 
withstand this double attack, and about eleven o'clock on the 
night of the same day on which he was seized with cholera, he 
expired. 

Nothing could exceed the pertinacity with which the enemy 
continued their attacks. The earliest days of encampment be- 
fore Delhi were, unquestionably, the most trying and harassing 
to our troops. The poor fellows had no proper rest by night, 
the smallness of the force requiring so many for the ordinary 
pickets, and admitting scarcely of any relief for any length of 
time together ; while those who were in camp often slept under 
arms, not knowing the moment when their services might be 
urgently required. At first, it was literally nothing but fighting 
by day, and watching and expecting to renew the conflict by 
night ; and in the discharge of both duties you could not fail, 
from frequent visits to the pickets, to recognize the same hands 
everlastingly employed in the same work. 

We came to besiege Delhi, but we very soon learned that, in 
reality, we were the besieged, and the mutineers the besiegers. 

The 12th of Jime was nearly as important a day as any in 
the annals of the siege. The enemy had evidently been re- 
serving themselves for a vigorous effort, and the calm which 
distinguished the 11th was only the prelude to the storm which 
raged on the 12th. Though apparently idle and listless for 



274 HEROES OP THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

twenty-four hours previously, or at least as long as the sun 
illumined the heavens during the preceding day, the enemy were 
up and acting under cover of the succeeding night, making a 
sneaking advance along the whole front and both the flanks of 
our position. Up to this date we had no picket further ad- 
vanced on the left than the Flag- Staff Tower, and at this picket 
it is imiversally admitted there was a partial surprise at sunrise, 
or soon after. This surprise is attributed to some trifling over- 
sight, in a somewhat premature removal of the sentries coming 
off picket, before the arrangements of the ordinary reliefs of 
the day — which were then in course of taking place — had been 
completed. In consequence of this the enemy advanced a little 
too near the guns without being observed ; or, perhaps, which 
is equally likely, the policy of the officer in command was to 
let them advance within close range of our musketry, and then 
receive them with a tremendous volley. But which ever way it 
was, the guns were as nearly as possible captured. The rebels 
evinced more than ordinary daring, coming up in spite of the 
steady resistance made against them by the picket ; and but for 
the timely succor of two companies of the Rifles, who had to 
ascend with all practicable speed the hill leading up from can- 
tonments and camp to the Flag-Staff Tower, the extent of the 
mischief that might have been committed by the enemy on the 
camp is easier imagined than described. But the Enfield rifle 
in the hands of such men as those of Her Majesty's 1st Bat- 
talion of the 60th Rifles, cooled the courage of the assailants, 
and caused them to retreat somewhat faster than they had ad- 
vanced ; but not before they had inflicted some severe losses on 
our side. 

Upon this occasion Captain Knox, of Her Majesty's 75th 
Foot, and several men of the same regiment, were killed. That 
officer had only a moment before shot with his own hand one 
of the enemy, when his eye caught sight of a Sepoy leveling 
his musket at him ; " See," said he, to one of his men, "that 



NARRATIVE OF THE SIEGE OF DELHI. 275 

man pointing at me ; take him down." The words had hardly 
escaped his lips when the fatal shot took efifect upon his person. 
He was on one knee when singled out as a mark hy the muti- 
neer, and, I am told, as soon as he received the shot, he rose 
regularly to " attention," and then fell and expired without 
word or groan. 

This day we established the "Metcalfe Picket," so called, 
because it occupied some part of the site — near or within the 
stables — on which stood the family seat of Sir Theophilus 
Metcalfe, Baronet ; a princely mansion, which, with all its 
costly furniture and expensive fittings-up, was destroyed by fire 
on the night of the 11th of May by the mutineers. The loss 
sustained by this one family alone is very considerable. The 
ruins show plainly enough the grandeur and magnificence 
which must have characterized the house in its palmy days. 
But Ichabod is now inscribed on every wall ; and the destruc- 
tion being so overwhelming and complete, it is a question if 
attempts at restoration would not result in a larger expenditure 
of money than the erection of an entirely new building. The 
present owner, however, escaped with his life, though himself 
in the city at the time of the outbreak ; and proved himself, 
from his local knowledge, and by the energy of his character, 
one of the best political officers with the force : he was present 
in the camp from the very commencement of operations against 
Delhi ; and his services as such deserve the consideration of 
Government. 

On the night of this day I was sleeping outside my tent, 
because it was more pleasant and refreshing to do so — indeed, 
it was a custom with every one in camp, and at this season of 
the year could be done without risk — when my slumbers were 
disturbed about midnight ; why, I can not say ; it was not 
certainly because I was in the secrets of the " council of war," 
or anticipated that the enemy would attack us, or, still less, 
that there was any intention on our part to assault them : 



276 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

though if I had anticipated the latter of these two things, I 
should for once at least have proved a prophet. 

The moon was shining, and, as I lay thinking, my thoughts 
were interrupted hy a comparative stranger, a young engineer 
officer, with some reputation in his profession, and still greater 
influence with the Government of the North- West Provinces, 
and who was not wanting either in influence within camp. He 
was seeking the tent of the Colonel of the Rifles, to communi- 
cate the General's instructions. It was this young officer, who, 
if report spoke truly, drafted a plan of attack upon the city, 
and urged the General very strongly to adopt it. Arrangements 
had been accordingly made, and the attack determined upon ; 
although this determination was kept profoundly secret, except 
from a privileged few. The plan consisted of all the troops 
turning out of camp under cover of night, advancing on the 
city, blowing up one of the gates, £ind taking the enemy by 
surprise ; even the pickets on the bights were to be withdrawn. 
The camp was to protect itself the best way it could, with what 
little remained in it, consisting chiefly of cavalry ; and as to 
reserves and supports in case of a repulse, there were none 
whatever : the whole affair was manifestly intended to be a 
coup de main. The proposed assault did not, however, take 
place ; although the Rifles advanced gallantly to within 300 
yards of the wall, in execution of their instructions, and Avere 
then recalled. The other troops had not, I believe, left camp, 
but were awaiting definite orders. 

On the 19th of June the enemy came out in overwhelming 
numbers, with artillery, cavalry, and infantry. I can not tell 
what intelligence had reached headquarters from the spies in 
Delhi, concerning what was known there of the intentions of 
the enemy against us to-day, but, if I remember rightly, we 
did not see quite as clearly as usual what the enemy were about. 
There was some confused idea of a simultaneous attack to be 
made by them in force, both in front and rear. This would 



INARRAT.IVE OF THE SIEGE OF DELHI. 277 

have been sound wisdom on their part ; at least, as far as our 
judgment extends. We often wondered that such attacks were 
never made by them, and made systematically and regularly : 
their effect must have told upon us in the end, if not much 
sooner than even we ourselves foresaw. 

The alarm had no sooner sounded, than the Eifles were or- 
dered to reinforce Hindoo Rao, on the right of our force. This 
reinforcement shows what was expected there. Soon, however, 
fears for Hindoo Rao passed away, and its defense was left in 
the hands of the ordinary picket. The Rifles were recalled, and 
went, by order, to the right of the General's Mound — the same 
mound I spoke of as having a battery of heavy guns, called 
the " Mound Battery." Here the regiment stood for half an 
hour, then further orders moved them, -with, some of the 75th 
and some cavalry, in support of the guns of Tombs's troop and 
Scott's battery, across the canal, and in the direction of the 
Ochterlony Gardens. The fire of cannon now opened in earnest. 
The force extended and advanced, driving the enemy from one 
spot to another. Presently a further advance was made, till we 
got in i-ear of a large mound, at the other side of which the 
enemy were said to be not less than 1,U00 strong. There we 
remained fighting desperately, for more than an hour, under a 
very severe and unpleasant fire ; the darkness of the night com- 
ing on apace, and hampering our operations very materially. 

It was near this spot that Captain Williams, second in com- 
mand of the Rifles at this time, and Lieutenant Humphrys, 20th 
N. I., doing duty with the same corps, were wounded ; the 
former very severely, endangering for a considerable time the 
loss of his leg, which loss was, however, eventually averted. 
Lieutenant Humphrys was struck in the neck, and the wound 
impeded very considerably the organs of speech : the ball 
seemed to have traveled, and, in its course, wounded the lung. 
The wound ultimately proved fatal : the poor young fellow 
lingered through the greater portion of the night, and his suf- 



278 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

ferings were very great. I was a witness to them, and to the 
exemplary patience with which he bore them. I knew little of 
this young officer in cantonments, but I saw much of him in 
camp, both before and after his receiving the wound. My 
recollections of him, especially those which have reference to 
his last moments, are very pleasant. His conduct had always 
inspired me with respect, but now I felt a deeper sympathy. 

Shortly after these sad accidents a hint was given that the 
cavalry were upon us. The battery on the left advanced, taking 
the enemy in flank, and continued blazing away till its ammu- 
nition was exhausted ; the artillery then retired down the road, 
where some infantry proceeded to join them. The enemy also 
commenced retiring about the same time, and the force re- 
turned to camp at nine, or even later. The losses, especially 
in the Royal Rifles, were very severe. Among the killed, Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel Yule, commanding Her Majesty's 9th Lancers, 
must be mentioned. He was imfortunately left on the field all 
night, and brought into camp some time next day, shamelessly 
mutilated. Lieutenant Alexander, 3d Regiment Native In- 
fantry, who accompanied the force in the capacity of a volun- 
teer, not being posted to any corps at the time, lost his life 
likewise. Scarcely any of the dead were collected till daylight. 
Not only the darkness of the night, but the presence of some 
of the enemy on the field during the whole of the night, ren- 
dered the collection of them very dangerous, if not absolutely 
impossible. One very serious accident arose upon the occasion 
of this fight : owing to the increasing darkness, our own guns 
fired into our own men. 

The results of this engagement made a very melancholy im- 
pression on most men's minds in camp ; not because our suc- 
cess was questionable, though very dearly bought, but rather 
because it was at first naturally enough regarded as the enemy's 
significant mode of intimating to us the plan he intended to 
pursue in future : that his eyes were open to the advantage 



NARRATIVE OF THE SIEGE OP DELHI. 279 

he miglit gain over us, if he only harassed us in the rear. 
The fact is, knowing our own weakness better than our oppo- 
nent did, we were not without fears, which hickily, however, 
proved groundless. I think, too, our modesty induced us to 
give the enemy too much credit in this engagement, and our- 
selves too little. It was said, I do n't know how truly, that 
the General conceived misgivings as to the wisdom of the force 
continuing before Delhi : he thought we would have to retire, 
unless large reinforcements could be forthwith sent to us. Some 
go so far as to say that a document was found, after his death, 
which contained his apology to Government for raising the 
siege till he should be reinforced in sufficient strength : this, 
I believe, was entirely mythical, and I only mention the matter 
to show how intricate, perplexing, and highly dangerous was 
our position at this time. 

I stated that some of the enemy continued in the rear all 
night. On the morning of the 20th of June they seem to have 
been reinforced in large numbers, and about half-past nine or 
ten A. M., as I was sitting in the mess-tent of the 2d European 
Bengal Fusileers, which was quite close to the General's tent, I 
heard the report of a gun, and immediately after the clangous 
noise of broken or bruised metal pots and earthenware plates and 
dishes. It was the effect of round shot from the enemy in the 
rear, which had made a nest for itself in the General's kitchen- 
tent, causing sundry breakages in that department of his es- 
tablishment, but doing no greater harm. Others, though not 
very many in number, followed in rapid succession, and the 
camp presented for the moment a somewhat lively appearance, 
from the active helter-skelter movements of the camp-follow- 
ers — I mean the camel-drivers and officers' servants, and such 
like, than whom none are fleeter of foot when they please, or 
when pressed by the presence of danger, or affrighted by the 
loud, unmusical roar of cannon evidently nearer than is safe or 
agreeable. I remember well the impression made on me by 



280 HEROES OP THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

these sights of scampering natives, with faces never before look- 
ing so earnest, though perhaps often equally demure, and have 
laughed over them again and again : I have even gone so far 
as to ask myself whether, in the subordinate design of Provi- 
dence, playful, not destructive round shot, rolling into camp, 
might not be sent, among other purposes, to stir up the dying 
energy of human character in the east. It does do it most 
effectually, whether with or without design, and so does good 
for the time. I only wish the good were more permanent. 

But the enemy having thrown down the gauntlet, there was no 
choice but to take it up. A detachment of Her Majesty's 75th 
Foot, and the whole of the 1st or 2d Europeans, with cavalry 
and guns, marched out of camp for this very pm-pose. Un- 
happily our force effected very little ; not because of any fault, 
but simply in consequence of the enemy retiring immediately 
on being attacked. Nevertheless we captured two guns and 
three ammunition wagons ; on one of which latter were said 
to be eight native wounded gunners, ready packed to be carried 
off into Delhi, but whom we left dead in the field, as these 
were no times either for giving or expecting quarter. As to 
"prisoners of war," those we ever made, being comparatively 
few, we subsequently tried and destroyed ; so that immediate 
death on the battle-field must have been an infinitely -better 
alternative. 

I never visited the Ochterlony Gardens, the scene of the con- 
flict, but those who did gave me an ample description of all they 
saw there on the morning after the battle of the 19th. From 
all accounts it was a sad sight. Here was to be seen a rampart 
of slain camels, which the enemy had stolen from us, and made 
this use of ; and there were horses and bodies of natives 
innumerable, left unburied by their surviving brethren. This 
havoc of war was the first intimation to us, and likewise most 
conclusive proof, of the success which had attended our opera- 
tions in the rear — a success which we were so slow to believe 



NAERATIVE OF THE SIEGE OP DELHI. 281 

only the night before, and which nothing, I verily think, but 
ocular demonstration would have induced us to realize at all. 

Shortly after this engagement I renewed my acquaintance 
with one of my old " Hindun" friends, Assistant-Surgeon 
Alexander Groves Duff, who, with Assistant- Surgeon T. J. Bid- 
die, of Her Majesty's service, shared a common tent with me on 
the 30th and 31st May last. It was Mr. Biddle who killed, 
with his own hand, the native that caused the explosion which 
cost Captain F. Andrews his life. Dr. Duff had been sent to 
Meerut from the "Hindun" in charge of sick and wounded, 
among whom were Ensign Napier and poor Assistant-Surgeon 
Moore, of the Carabineers. A finer-hearted and more generous 
Irishman than the last-mentioned officer I never met. I have 
a distinct and pleasing recollection of his exertions on the 
night of the 30th of May, on behalf of the wounded of his 
own regiment, and several of the camp-followers besides. I 
never think of Moore without a deep sigh of regret. Little did 
I imagine, when I saw him so full of life on the night of the 
first battle of the Hindun, and so kind and considerate with 
his patients, that the next day I should look upon him as a 
severely-wounded man, who would only be sent from camp to 
die at Meerut. 

Shortly after I had welcomed Doctor Duff, he gave me an 

account of his last adventures. It appears that early on the 

morning of the 20th June, the Doctor and his party, consisting 

of only two Europeans besides himself — namely, Mr. George 

Campbell, C. S., and Lieutanant Mew, of the 74th N. I. — and 

150 sowars, were encamped on the left bank of the Jumna ; a 

site which had been selected to enable them to defend the bridge 

of boats across the river. Between four and five o'clock the 

slumbers of the party were disturbed by the announcement of 

the startling fact that the Goojurs were upon them. In an 

instant the small force turned out to receive the enemy and 

watch his movements. There was, however, little time for 

24 



282 HEKOES OF THE INDIAN EEBELLION. 

reconnoitering, for within a few hundred yards they beheld 
between four and five thousand Goojurs, headed by the Sepoys, 
and marching in perfect order After the enemy had fired a few 
shots, the Europeans, and their 150 sowars, retired upon the 
bridge, and crossed it, intending to cut away two of the boats, 
to prevent the rebels from following. Unfortunately, however, 
no ax could be found, and thus the plan was defeated. The 
small company then drew up in line on the right bank of the 
river, close to the bridge, while the enemy followed their 
example on the opposite side. A tolerably smart fire was kept 
up for a short time, but, after about a dozen rounds, the sowars 
attached to the Em-opean party declared that- their ammunition 
was exhausted. Considering the superior strength of the enemy, 
to beat a retreat was, under the circumstances, the only course to 
pursue ; and, after some consultation, the camp before Delhi 
was fixed upon as the point for which the party were to make. 
In furtherance of this plan, the small force retired a short dis- 
tance from the bridge, and the enemy crossed it ; whereupon 
the sowars were ordered to chai-ge, but positively declined to do 
so. This act of insubordination necessitated an immediate re- 
treat, and the three European gentlemen setting off at a gallop, 
never but once rested the legs of their steeds till they reached 
camp. What became of the "brave" Irregulars, I can not 
say, but in all probability they found a welcome within the 
walls of the city of Delhi. 

The 21st of June was our second Simday before the stone 
walls of Delhi. Divine service was solemnized at half-past 
five A. M., and a sermon preached by me in the ordinary place. 
I had, besides the headquarters' service, one for the Rifles, 
at eleven A. M., and another for the cavaliy brigade, at six 
P. M. Sunday Avas always a very hard day with me, though 
it would be very difficult to say on what day in the week my 
labors were lightened ; for, if I had regular services for the 
camp on Sundays, there were the daily services for the hospital, 



NARRATIVE OF THE SIEGE OF DELHI. 283 

which required an expenditure of mental and bodily sti-ength 
equally great. Then, again, not a morning or evening passed 
without burials, one of the most painful portions of the duties of 
a chaplain in camp, and by no means an insignificant one either. 

As early as five o'clock on Tuesday morning, the 23d of 
June, the enemy tried to the number of six thousand to give us 
battle. 

Very early in the day, and almost immediately after the bugle 
of alarm had sounded, a reinforcement of field-pieces was sent 
up from camp. As soon as these appeared, a heavy cannon- 
ading fire from Delhi ensued. The enemy came round in the 
direction of Subzi Mundi, and to the rear of Hindoo Rao, and 
were distinctly seen spreading themselves behind the low banks 
and walls extending toward the right of the camp. The Rifles, 
Guides, and Gorkhas were thrown out in skirmishing order for 
several hours ; during all which time the contest raged with un- 
mitigated fury. At about eleven in the forenoon some fresh 
reinforcements reached iis from parts north of Delhi, consisting 
of one hundred men of Her Majesty's 75th Foot, under Captain 
Brookes, four companies of the 2d European Bengal Fusileers, 
besides some six guns and Sikh troops ; and so fierce was the 
struggle, that the newly-arrived force, without waiting for re- 
freshments or even a moment's rest, had at once to join the fight. 

At four in the afternoon the battle was still proceeding with 
unabated vigor, when another course was taken : an order was 
issued to the Rifles, Gorkhas, and Guides to carry the Subzi 
Mundi, which they did in right gallant style, despite their eleven 
hours of previous labor and exposure to the sun, and want of 
refreshment. The enemy were driven by them from wall to 
bank, and from bank to wall. Now, the Sepoys ascended the 
tops of houses, of which there were many in the immediate 
neighborhood, but their tenure of these only lasted for the few 
moments which it took our brave troops to reach them ; num- 
bers of the enemy began to fall, and several of our brave fellows 



284 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

beside them. A touching incident of the day was told me by a 
young doctor. A rifleman had been mortally wounded ; the 
surgeon ran to his assistance, and gave him his arm to help 
him along. " Ah ! sir," said the wounded man, " I fancy this 
is my last walk." It was indeed. He died : noble, good man 
as he was. But through his brave exertions, in cooperation 
with the rest of our troops, the day was first carried by the 
British against very frightful odds. The mutineers retired 
within the walls about six in the evening, finding to their 
chagrin that their prophets were a living lie, and had woefully 
deceived them ; for in the place of success, fully one-fourth of 
their army, which had come out in the morning full of pride 
and of hope, were left either dead or wounded on the field. 

The victory of the 23d of June was a cause of great re- 
joicing within camp. But our joy was not without alloy : our 
losses were very great ; perhaps, relatively, equal to those of 
the enemy. The Rifles lost twenty-seven men, and the 1st 
Europeans thirty-one, the Grorkhas twenty-five, the 75th Foot 
one sergeant and one private ; besides the losses in the Artillery, 
Sikhs, Guides, and men of the 2d European Beiigal Fusileers ; 
the statistics of whose casualties during this day I failed to se- 
cure. The only officer killed in action was Lieutenant Steuart 
Hare Jackson, of the 2d European Bengal Fusileers ; though 
several were wounded, among whom I remember Colonel 
Welchman, of the 1st European Bengal Fusileers and others 
of the same regiment, and Captain Conyngham Jones, of the 
60th Rifles. But as some compensation for this, we had gained 
an important point ; the Subzi Mundi was not only taken, but 
held henceforward by us, and constituted our extreme right picket. 

On the 24th of June there was a slight attack on the right, 
but not of much consequence, and resulting in little or no loss 
to either party. An important arrival, however, occun-ed on 
this day : Brigadier-General Chamberlain, the newly-appointed 
Adjutant-General of the army, who was selected to succeed the 



NARRATIVE OF THE SIEGE OF DELHI. 285 

late Colonel Chester, reached camp. I had but little inter- 
course with this officer ; he, however, struck me as being a man 
of- purpose, one who thinks before he acts, and acts resolutely 
when once his plans are formed. I should say, moreover, his 
actions are guided by that sound and high principle which 
draws the wide distinction between right and wrong, and detects 
at once the difference between truth and error. 

From the 25th to the 27th of June but little occurred worthy 
of remark, and the only extra excitement in camp arose from a 
report which was circulated, and very generaHy believed, that 
the eneiuy had four field-pieces out, and meditated an attack on 
the night of the 25th. The report, however, proved false, and 
we were left unmolested. 

On the 27th of June the enemy made a determined attack on 
both flanks. It commenced about 6 o'clock, A. M., and lasted 
till nearly two in the afternoon. There was evidently some fear 
that from the right flank the rebels might work around to the 
rear. Accordingly, two companies of the Rifles were marched 
to the " rear battery," consisting of heavy guns, eighteen- 
pounders, which had been erected as a protection to the camp, 
in case of future attacks in that direction. This was a pruden- 
tial measure, suggested by the sad results of the action of the 
evening of the 19th June. The periodical rains set in on this 
day. The fall was heavy, and the floods evidently cooperated 
with us in driving the advancing and treacherous foe within his 
lair. The camp was literally turned into a pool, and became 
very ofiensive to the sense of smell, and obliged quartermasters 
of regiments to busy themselves in the work of drainage. 

THE SIEGE. 

On the 1st of July we were reinforced by the arrival of four 
hundred and fifty men of Her Majesty's 61st Foot. The enemy 
was also strengthened by the arrival of the Bareilly brigade, 
numbering three thousand men. 



286 HEROES OP THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

The day after their arrival on the banks of the river, the 
Bareilly Brigade was seen crossing and marching into the city. 
An additional reinforcement soon after early dawn reached our 
own camp, consisting of Coke's Rifles ; a regiment of Punjaub 
Infantry bearing a high character, and possessing the advantage 
of a very able commander. Major Coke. This regiment was a 
real accession to the force, and did good and distinguished 
service during the operations before Delhi. Thus strengthened 
within the last few days, the General again seriously contem- 
plated a second attempt at assault on the city. The intention 
was kept profoundly secret, as on the previous occasion, but a 
meeting of regimental field-officers was summoned for nine in 
the evening, to meet the staff, study the plans, and receive in- 
structions. The force was held in readiness to march out of 
camp and proceed to the attack the moment warning should be 
given ; but some intelligence reached headquarters which, de- 
feated the purposes of the General, and the intention, so far as 
I could learn, was then deferred sine die. 

We had long suspected treachery within the camp ; not a 
movement of ours, perhaps not a word, or even a look, but 
was immediately reported in Delhi. For a long while we had 
no one in particular upon whom we could fix our suspicion ; 
however, on the 2d of July, a revelation was made, through 
the fidelity of certain Sikhs, whose regiment had recently come 
into camp. Unhappily, an entire company of this regiment 
was composed of Poorbeas, while the main strength was Sikh. 
The Poorbeas within the British camp had strong leanings and 
earnest longings for Delhi. " Down with the British rule !" 
was the secret wish of their treason-working hearts ; but before 
they could openly avow their treachery, they had to perform, 
by deception, an important mission, which the King of Delhi 
had intrusted to their execution. This mission was to destroy 
the loyalty of the Sikhs, if possible, by offers of large bribes, 
and by a train of subtile reasoning, in which an appeal to the 



NARRATIVE OF THE SIEGE OF DELHI. 287 

Divine will formed a very prominent part. Accordingly some 
leading men of the Poorbea Company of the Sikh Regiment 
approached one of the leading men of the other companies, 
and declared that " the will of Heaven was to take away the 
raj from the English, and to give it over to the descendant of 
the Great Mogul ; and that it could be no benefit to them to 
continue any longer in the British service, as by so doing they 
would only incur the displeasure of ' Shah Bahadoor Shah,' 
which would rest upon the Sikhs and follow them from place 
to place, till destruction completely overtook and overwhelmed 
them. If, however, on the other hand, they made choice of 
the winning side, the King would gladly enroll those of the 
Sikhs who were officers among his colonels and generals, and 
would give large pay to one and all." 

The Sikh, having listened to the arguments of the mutinous 
Poorbeas, gave, according to eastern custom, some evasive 
reply. He then made direct for the tent of his commanding 
officer, to whom he disclosed the conspiracy ; in consequence 
the ringleaders, who were native officers, and, I think, three in 
number, were arrested forthwith, brought to trial, and hung 
shortly before nightfall. The remainder of the attainted com- 
pany were paid up and sent out of camp, to the great satisfac- 
tion alike of Englishmen and of Sikhs. 

On the following day the movements of the enemy occa- 
sioned no small anxiety. A force, supported by guns, left 
Delhi, and proceeded in the direction of our rear ; whereupon 
a large force was detached from camp for the purpose of coun- 
teracting any designs which the rebels might have against us. 
But it seems that, upon this occasion, our native allies, the 
inhabitants of the village of Aleepore, were the object of their 
attack. The enemy knew that from this village we drew 
largely for supplies ; and that, from the first, the villagers had 
displayed a very friendly feeling toward us, and manifested the 
warmest sympathy for our cause ; hence they were the object 



•i»» HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

of implacable hate with the mutineers, and a decision was now 
formed and put into execution to inflict summary punishment 
on these natives for their want of loyalty to the Great Mogul. 
We, however, were wholly ignorant of these designs, and our 
force accordingly returned to camp without interfering with 
the mutineers. The inhabitants of Aleepore were, of course, 
unable to defend themselves against the attack of the rebels, 
and the village was burnt during the night. A Sikh guard, 
consisting of some fifty or sixty men, was slain, and the enemy, 
having satisfied their vengeance, decamped with a large share 
of plunder. 

As soon, however, as we had learned something of the terrible 
doings of the mutineers, another force was dispatched from the 
camp to intercept their retreat in its return to Delhi. This 
occurred on the 4th of July. Our party fell in twice with the 
Bareilly Brigade during that day, and two successive attacks 
were made upon them, which resulted in the slaughter of about 
one hundred rebels, and the capture of two ammunition wag- 
ons, filled, I believe, with ammunition. 

Thus closed the fourth week of our eventful encampment 
before Delhi ; and little did we suspect what the coming Sab- 
bath was about to bring forth. I remember well the solemn 
services of that day. I had performed the duties devolving 
upon me for the Headquarters Camp at the usual hour, and 
my text seemed, in a measure, prophetical. It was taken from 
the Psalms of David, and the words are familiar to every 
Christian mind: "So teach us to number our days, that we 
may apply our hearts unto wisdom." I noticed the absence 
of General Sir Harry Barnard, but was ignorant of the cause. 
The fatigue of harassing camp duties had been pressing heav- 
ily upon him and sapping his vital power ; and though the 
decline had not altogether escaped the notice of his friends 
and staff, no serious apprehensions were entertained : certainly, 
no fatal result was anticipated. We fully hoped and believed. 



NAKRATIVE OP THE SIEGE OF DELHI. 2h9 

and as earnestly desired, that a gracious Providence would 
spare him to reap all the honors which a grateful country 
might award for a successful termination of the siege. of Delhi. 
But it was otherwise ordained ; and we were constrained to ex- 
claim, " Even so, Father : for so it seemed good in thy sight." 
Ahout nine o'clock in the forenoon of Sunday, July 5th, 
malignant cholera seized General Sir Harry Barnard. Imme- 
diately the medical skill of the camp was put in requisition. 
Every effort was made, and every appliance resorted to, which 
humanity could prompt or science suggest, and the results were 
watched with anxious interest. The General's nurse was his 
own excellent son. Captain Barnard, an officer of the Guards. 
Nothing that filial affection could dictate was wanting to re- 
lieve the sufferings of the gallant officer, and to soften his 
dying hour ; hut, in spite of all that mortals could do, the 
General languished during a short illness of six hours, and 
then expired ahout three in the afternoon, to the inexpressihle 
grief of every soldier and man in the camp. He did not, how- 
ever, sink to rest till after he had given a solemn and parting 
charge to Captain Barnard. "Tell them," he said, alluding to 
his own family in England, " I die happy." And, indeed, 
what was to hinder his dying happy ? He had a Savior to 
lean upon, and a good conscience told him that he had man- 
fully discharged his duty. To this every one was ready to set 
the seal of his own testimony. The prevailing feeling in camp 
was that the melancholy event had been brought about by the 
extraordinary devotion of our leader to his country's cause. 
In him we saw another victim to the mutiny prematurely 
taken to the grave, and the country deprived of the services of 
one of her most gallant commanders. His own family had 
indeed lost a father and a friend, and one of whom a son could 
speak in no fitter or more expressive terms than when, in a 
voice broken by tears, he exclaimed, as he stood a mourner at 

the side of the grave which had just received all that was mor- 

25 



290 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

tal of his parent, " My loss is great indeed. I have lost the 
very best of parents and the most intimate and endearing of 
friends." 

The eighth of July was one of almost unbroken quietude. 
Nothing but occasional cannonading disturbed the prevailing 
calm. Our artillery practice was, however, successful, and we 
managed during the course of the day to disable a large gun 
in the enemy's battery at the Lahore gate. This, and the 
march of a party from camp, at two o'clock in the morning, 
for the purpose of destroying a bridge over the canal, which 
afforded the enemy a communication with our rear, and allowed 
the possibility of their bringing ordnance with them, were the 
only events of the day deserving a place in this record. 

After a nine days' rest, the enemy once more thought that 
the renewal of the conflict was absolutely necessary. The day 
set in determinately with rain ; but in spite of that we were 
obliged to fight. Between nine and ten in the forenoon I was 
sitting writing, in company with a field-officer who was sharing 
my tent, when the alarm sounded ; but that was so ordinary an 
occurrence, that our ears had grown familiar and tired with the 
constant repetition of the notes. As I was a non-combatant, 
and my friend had been for some considerable time on the sick 
list, we both hastened on with our work, fearful of losing the 
post. Presently we heard the sounds of flying musketry shot, 
which seemed to be taking the direction of our own tent, and 
once or twice startled us both by their close proximity. We 
thought it now high time to turn out and inquire the meaning 
of all this ; the more so, as we could already distinguish that 
the shot came from the neighborhood of the church-yard, which 
was not more than 200 yards from our home. Our surprise 
maybe imagined when we found that the enemy's cavalry were 
actually in the camp, having been treacherously brought in by a 
picket of our own, consisting of a portion of the 9th Irregulars. 
This act of treachery gave the enemy great advantages, 



NARRATIVE OF THE SIEGE OF DELHI. 291 

because on their approaching camp, our guards and their officers 
recognized our own men, and feared to fire lest they might de- 
stroy them. The sudden and unaccountable increase in num- 
bers to the British Native Cavalry picket suggested the first 
thought of suspicion. The Field Artillery on the spot were 
ordered to unlimber, and open upon the enemy ; but ere this 
could be done the fellows were within the camp, and had ridden 
over the guns : they were just on the point of billing an artil- 
lery officer named Hills, a very gallant and distinguished Second 
Lieutenant belonging to that corps, when Major Tom'bs, his 
troop captain, came to the rescue, and shot the man who would 
have otherwise cut down the young subaltern. The rebel's arm 
was uplifted, ready to strike the blow, which would have cleft 
the skull of our hero, when he met his own righteous doom 
from the hand of one of the most gallant, most distinguished, 
and most popular officers in camp. 

So worthy were these actions of the English name and char- 
acter, that I can not refrain from giving a detailed account of 
this episode in our camp life. Second Lieutenant Hills, in 
obedience to the orders which he had received, was straining 
every effort to get his guns into action, but only succeeded in 
having one unlimbered, when the enemy were upon him. The 
thought now occurred to him that by charging the insurgents 
single-handed he might occasion a commotion, and so give his 
men time to load the gun. Simultaneously with the thought 
he made a rush, with all the impetuosity of desperation, at the 
enemy's front rank, cut down the first man he met with, and 
had given a second a severe wound in the face, when two 
sowars or native troopers charged him. At one and the same 
moment their horses came in contact with young Hills's charger, 
and the latter with its rider was sent flying. Such was the 
force of the fall, that Hills escaped two cuts which were made at 
him ; one of which laid open his jacket just below the left arm, 
without injury, however, to his person. He lay for a moment. 



292 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

and the enemy passed on ; supposing, I presume, that he was 
slain. Presently he rose and looked about for his sword, which 
he discovered lying about ten yards from the place where he 
had fallen. 

Scarcely was the lost sword found and secured than three of 
the enemy again returned to the attack ; two on horseback, 
and the third on foot. The youthful soldier had again to 
struggle for life ; the first man who approached him, he suc- 
ceeded in wounding and dropping from his horse ; the second 
charged him with a lance, which was cleverly turned aside, and 
an awful gash in return inflicted on the face and head of the 
assailant. Lieutenant Hills thought he had dispatched this op- 
ponent, but, wounded as he was, the man came up for a second 
time, but only to have his head completely broken. The third 
and most formidable foe was yet to come : he was young and 
active, and unwearied by previous effort ; whereas Lieutenant 
Hills was weak with exertion and panting for breath, and 
moreover, his cloak by some means, in these successive frays, 
had fastened tightly round his throat, almost to suffocation. 
Nothing daunted, he entered afresh upon the conflict, and made 
a blow with his sword at the enemy — a blow which was unfor- 
tunately turned. The rebel now seized the hilt of the artillery- 
man's sword, and succeeded in twisting it out of the owner's 
grasp. At this juncture it came to a hand-to-hand fight ; the 
Englishman with his fists, punching the head of the native, 
arid the native trying to wound his gallant foe with the sword, 
but without success. Somehow young Hills fell ; and Major 
Tombs came up just in time to succor his junior, by dispatch- 
ing, as he thought, the mutineer with a pistol-shot. 

Major Tombs and Lieutenant Hills then went in company to 
the Mound, but after some time they returned to secure the un- 
limbered gun, which had been left behind. To their surprise 
they found the very man whom they both supposed to be " non 
est," walkirg off with Mr. Hills's pistol, which in extremity 



NARRATIVE OF THE SIEGE OF DELHI. 293 

had been driven hj that officer at an opponent's head. After 
some fencing on both sides, young Hills rushed at him with a 
thrust, which he avoided by an adroit jump, cutting Hills at 
the same time on the head, but without stunning him. Major 
Tombs now followed him up, and Lieutenant Hills, taking the 
opportunity of rising from the ground, succeeded in dealing the 
fellow another blow, which almost severed the wrist from the 
arm ; the whole business was concluded by Major Tombs, the 
next moment, running the man through with his sword. Thus 
ended a conflict which resulted in a recommendation of the offi- 
cers engaged in it as worthy of the highest honor for distin- 
guished bravery — an honor which, I trust, they may both live 
to receive, and long live to enjoy. 

The trespass in our camp committed by the enemy was soon 
avenged, and they were quickly dislodged without much dam- 
age. Nevertheless, they managed to do some mischief ere they 
departed. They wounded some of the artillery, and a few of 
the camp followers ; besides which, one or two of the rebels, 
who were roguishly disposed, deliberately walked off, in one 
case with an officer's charger, all equipped and ready for mount- 
ing ; and, in another instance, they carried away an apothe- 
cary's horse which was picketed beside the stud of Surgeon 
Mackinnon, of the 1st Brigade of Horse Artillery, 

The guns of the native troop of the 1st Brigade of Artillery 
seem to have been the object which induced this visit to camp. 
Immediately on arrival, the mutineers made straight to that 
quarter of the encampment in which those guns were standing. 
But the troop, to their credit, manfully refused to obey a single 
order which was given, although every order was coupled with 
the name, and — apparently to the men — under the authority of 
Colonel Murray Mackenzie, commanding the Brigade. But, 
because there was no absolute certainty, in spite of this refusal 
on the part of the gunners of the troop, their guns were taken 
from them, by order of the General, and placed in the park ; 



294 HEKOES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

the men protesting in their innocence, and weeping like cMl- 
dren, and their European officers, whose confidence remained 
unshaken in them, notwithstanding the General's orders, deeply 
sympathizing with their sorrow, and complaining as bitterly 
of the act as the Golundauzes themselves. 

No stirring event marked the day of the 21st July. Till one 
in the afternoon no alarm was given, but about that hour the 
alarm sounded, and aroused the camp to life and activity. 
Troops were moving here and there, and reinforcements hurry- 
ing off to their destined posts. But this activity quickly sub- 
sided into the usual monotony of camp-life ; as the alarm 
proved false, and the reserves and supports speedily returned. I 
remember the rain in the afternoon made us all prisoners within 
our tents ; and we retired to rest made wiser by the knowledge 
of the fact, which was published in General Orders of the Com- 
mander-in-chief, that Major-General Gowan, C. B., command- 
ing in the Punjaub, as senior officer, had assumed command of 
all the troops in the Upper Provinces from the 20th July, and 
till further orders. 

As early as three in the morning, and long before the sun 
had risen, on the 22d of July, buglers sounded the alarm, caus- 
ing the ordinary commotion in camp. Reports of brisk mus- 
ketry fire and the cannonading of heavy guns were heard from 
the right. These proceeded from the enemy, in consequence of 
©ur having blown up a serai at Subzi-Mundi, which gave shel- 
ter to their troops in the various sorties in that neighborhood, 
and was considered necessary to be destroyed. The noise of 
the explosion excited the fears of the enemy, who probably be- 
lieved that the English were approaching the city. This made 
them open fire in order to assure us of their cognizance of our 
movements. But nothing more was heard of them by us during 
the day, except that an occasional round shot came rolling into 
camp, and one of their shells struck a tent of the Light Com- 



NAKRATIVB OF THE SIEGE OF DELHI. 295 

pany of the 75tli Foot, lodging in the side of Colonel Herbeit's 
tent and breaking a box. 

The 2od of July was one of our stormy days. The enemy 
renewed the conflict in a very earnest and determined manner. 
Their attack began about seven in the morning, and was mainly 
directed against the picket in the neighborhood of Sir Theophi- 
lus Metcalfe's house, which inclined to our left flank. I remem- 
ber this day very Avell. I had my hospitals as usual to visit ; 
but work had become a positive burden : I could not set about 
it with any alacrity or good-Avill ; so after making one or two 
ineffectual attempts to subdue my disinclination and put my 
shoulder fairly to the wheel, I gave up the task in despair, and 
promised myself, as far as I really could do so, a whole holiday. 
The fact was, I had been overburdened with duty during the 
past week, and, while my physical health was far from good, I 
was also anxious in mind, on account of letters received from 
Meerut. 

Instead of working, I freely confess I went up that I might 
see the battle. The point which I selected for observation was 
the top of the Flag- Staff Tower. From this elevation I could 
see every thing with complete satisfaction to myself, and yet 
without personal danger. There I stood a very long while, now 
depending upon one friend for a telescope to lengthen my sight, 
and now under obligations to another for the loan of a binocu- 
lar to make out the more distant operations of the engage- 
ment. 

Upon one occasion only, during my stay here, did the enemy 
seem disposed to interfere with our sight-seeing. We were all 
intent on what was passing before us, when the outlook ex- 
claimed, " Look out." His eye had detected the enemy's in- 
tended mischief. They fired a shell from a piece of ordnance 
which commanded the Flag-Staff Tower. No sooner was the 
exclamation heard, than every looker-on, the instructed and 
uninstructed alike, instinctively crouched beneath the parapet 



296 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

upon which we had been a moment before leaning. The shell 
fell far short of our position, and in bursting killed a camel 
near the spot where it fell : this was all the mischief that shell 
did. The enemy at that period rarely condescended to expend 
ammunition on the picket at the Flag- Staff Tower, so that you 
might generally watch from thence without fear of harm. 

Upon that day the enemy had brought out with them six 
guns. A column, under Brigadier Showers, was dispatched to 
^attack them, and his attack was completely successful. The 
enemy were driven back ; but unhappily Brigadier Showers's 
men advanced too far, and so got under fire of grape from the 
walls, and that without succeeding in capturing the guns. In 
consequence of this, and the heavy musketry fire in addition, 
the casualties of the day were very great. Brevet-Captain W. 
G. Law, of the 10th Bengal N. I., and attached to the 1st 
Punjaub Infantry, was killed in the course of the action, and I 
buried him the same evening. 

We were much surprised at the only event worthy of record, 
which occurred on the 19th August, before the walls of Delhi. 
A Mrs. Collins, daughter of a Mrs. Leeson, late of this city, 
was conducted into camp by an Afghan, who had concealed and 
befriended her. It seems that she was living at Delhi when the 
outbreak took place. I do not pretend to give the details of 
the poor woman's trials and sufferings, because I never had the 
time or opportunity of listening to them from her own lips ; 
but I remember to have heard her say that one child was de- 
stroyed outright in her presence, another was wounded by a 
sword-cut, and died in a few hours afterward — I think in some 
garden, among the trees, away from herself, but watched over 
and nursed by some friendly native, whose heart was not so 
steeled as to be devoid of all compassion. The babe in her 
arms, and at her breast, was wounded, when the miscreants 
fired at herself, with murderous intent. The infant died. She 
was the only survivor among the small party ; and but for this 



NARRATIVE OF THE SIEGE OP DELHI. 297 

man, and a kind Providence smiling on his efforts to save her, 
she also would have been lost. 

Numbers of her family, besides her own children, fell victims 
to the unrelenting fury of the mutiny, and most, if not all, 
perished in Delhi. I am not certain, but the impression made 
on my mind is very strong, that Mr. Collins, her husband, in 
consequence of his absence on duty, escaped. When Mrs. Col- 
lins was brought in by her protector, she was kindly received 
by Mrs. Tytler, the wife of a Captain in the 38th Bengal Native 
Light Infantry, one of the corps at Delhi when the mutiny oc- 
curred. Captain Tytler was in charge of the military treasure 
chest, and his lady, like a heroine, when once allowed within 
camp, could not be persuaded, either by official eloquence or 
the arguments of her own husband, to desert his side. 

It was now the 20th August, 1857. The enemy established 
a battery on the other side of the river, and sent rockets and 
round shot at the picket at Metcalfe's house. This battery com- 
manded the site where Major Coke's men had encamped ; little 
harm was, however, done by it. The orders of the Field Force 
declared that Brigadier- General Wilson had been made a Major- 
General for special service, and appointed, with the sanction of 
the Supreme Government, to command the Delhi Field Force ; 
the special service being, I presume, his achievements at Hin^ 
dun, on the 30th and 31st of May last. 

Symptoms of returning cholera appeared in camp ; but con- 
fined chiefly to troops recently arrived. The disease was of a 
very fatal type, and was aggravated by the heat of the weather, 
which was intolerable between the showers, A force of all 
arms went out during the night, or early in the morning, under 
Brigadier-General Nicholson, in the direction of Eohtuck — 
where Captain Hodson still continued — but was obliged to 
return without doing any thing, on account of the im- 
passable state of the roads, from the late heavy rains that had 
fallen. 



298 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

Tlie usual routine of firing " long balls " at each, other, to 
use a camp expression, continued. 

News reached camp on the 21st August that the 10th Light 
Cavalry had at last mutinied at Ferozepore. This regiment 
had really done good service. When the 45th and 57th Regi- 
ments, at the same station, fell from their allegiance, and tried 
to seize our magazine, the 10th remained loyal. They declared 
most solemnly, both then and subsequently, that they would 
never desert the British cause. They broke faith, it would seem, 
on the 19th of August, cruelly murdered Mr. Veterinary-Sur- 
geon Vincent Nelson, and made a rush, happily, however, 
without success, on Captain Woodcock's battery. The gun- 
ners were at dinner when the affair happened, and evidently the 
intention was to capture by surprise. One gunner was actually 
killed, and others wounded ; several battery horses, and also 
horses belonging to officers, were carried off, and the mutineers 
escaped uninjured. The syce drivers refused, when bidden, to 
drive their teams : the gunners mounted and supplied their 
places ; but the pursuit could not be maintained any distance : 
the country to be traversed being thoroughly impracticable for 
guns. We feared the effect this mutiny might produce in the 
Punjaub ; the more so, as the longer our delay in the capture 
©f Delhi, the more and the louder was proclaimed our own 
weakness and the enemy's strength. It was matter for great 
thankfulness that the land of the Five Rivers continued never- 
theless in peace, and well affected toward the English rule. 

The ravages of cholera daily increased ; the mortal sickness 
falling mostly, but not exclusively, on Her Majesty's 52d Light 
Infantry and the 61st Foot. 

The spies of the city gave information that the rebels de- 
signed an attack some time during the night of the 21st August. 
But we learned that the plan was frustrated through the in- 
vincible disinclination of some mutinous corps to engage us. 
From certain indications on the morning of the 22d, many 



NARRATIVE OF THE SIEGE OF DELHI. 299 

believed there would be a struggle between the loyal and dis- 
loyal armies during the day. A goodly company of horsemen, 
footmen, and artillery was seen leaving the city gates ; but the 
fire of our batteries caused them to retire, and we were spared 
the endurance of more arduous work. 

The reports were somewhat harassing concerning Greneral 
Havelock. It was said, and there were very good grounds for 
believing, that that officer had won a great victory on the 29th 
of July. But, nevertheless, it was whispered that he could not 
advance on Lucknow for want of sufficient force, and that the 
monster Nana Sahib, who, at one time, was said to be dead, 
was yet alive, and busily employed in raising a large army 
sufficient to oppose any strength we might bring against him, 
with some prospect of success. Poor Captain F. Gr. Willock, 
of the 6th Bengal Light Cavalry, and a son of the director, 
died on the 21st of August. He had lain for some time in 
" the General Hospital of the Field Force," sick, I believe, of 
typhoid fever, which eventually terminated fatally ; to the great 
regret of his friends, who ministered to his wants with fraternal 
affection. His brother officers. Lieutenants Cuppage and 
Probyn, were apparently always at his bedside, whenever duty 
allowed them to be so. The conduct of these two young men, 
in this and other respects, was most exemplary, and affords 
another striking proof of the unselfishness of genuine friendship. 

The ordinary Sunday sermons were preached on the 23d of 
August. The enemy maintained a troublesome, but by no means 
an effective fire, from the battery on the other side of the river 
Jumna. It was said in camp that the parallels and approaches 
to the walls of the city had commenced, in anticipation of the 
advent of the siege train. The fact is, we had heard of Sir 
John Lawrence's visit to Jullundur, in order to inspect the 
auxiliary force of Maharajah Rumbeer Singh of Cashmere, 
which was on its way to Delhi ; and now the assault was 
looked upon with certainty at no very distant period : every 



300 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

little thing done by the Engineer Department was interpreted 
as direct preparation toward the final consummation. 

The 24th of August was a day of tranquillity. Captain Hod- 
son returned safe into camp, and our anxieties on account of 
him ceased. At one time his position was very critical. He had 
a very severe fight with the rebels, at a distance of some twenty 
or thirty miles from camp, in the direction of Rohtuck. He 
was victorious in the engagement ; but the enemy's overwhelming 
numbers had succeeded in hemming him in. A messenger 
hastened into camp, soliciting, on behalf of the little gallant 
force of Guides and Irregulars — the latter a corps of Hodson's 
own creation — immediate succor. It was given with the least 
possible delay. A column marched with all expedition ; but 
when half-way on the road, they received instructions to return : 
their services had been anticipated and supplied by the Jheend 
Rajah. Hodson had been extricated from his difficulty, and on 
arrival in camp was warmly congratulated upon his safety and 
his success. He seems to have slain some eighty of the muti- 
neers, who were said, with the sanction of official authority, to 
be principally furlough men. 

Either very late on the evening of the 23d, or early in the 
morning of the 24th of August, the enemy left the city in 
force ; and rumor alleged that their intention was, if possible, 
to intercept our siege train. Accordingly, before sunrise on the 
25th of August, Brigadier Nicholson marched from camp with 
a movable column, consisting of a squadron of Lancei-s, the 
gallant 9th, under Captain Sarel ; the Guide Cavalry, under 
Captain Sandford ; Her Majesty's 61st, under Colonel Rainey ; 
the 1st European Bengal Fusileers, under Major Jacob ; the 2d 
Punjaub Infantry and Coke's Rifles ; together with the 1st and 
2d Troops of the 1st Brigade Horse Artillery, the Mooltanee 
Horse, and a party of Sappers and Miners, under Lieutenant 
Geneste, of the Engineer Corps. 

The day was very wet, and the roads were well-nigh impassa- 



NARRATIVE OF THE SIEGE OF DELHI. 301 

ble ; the country for miles round was nothing more than a 
marsh. The enterprising spirit of Nicholson was, however, 
equal to cope with any amount of obstacles. Neither fatigue, 
nor rain, nor swamps, nor enemy, nor all these in combination, 
could deter him in his onward progress. The force marched 
upon a village, nearly half-way to Nujjuffghur. Here a halt 
was proclaimed, in order to collect information respecting the 
enemy's probable location and intended movements. 

Shortly after some rebel cavalry were discovered ahead. In- 
formation was obtained from the village to the effect that the 
enemy had crossed a bridge in the neighborhood, and immedi- 
ately the column resumed its march. Some ten or twelve miles 
more of road were traversed. It was a journey by water rather 
than by land : ponds had to be forded to the depth of several 
feet. At length a march of eighteen miles or more had been 
fully accomplished, and the enemy's camp was at last in sight. 

Nicholson's ardor could not resist the temptation of an im- 
mediate attack. Not biit that he had consideration for his 
troops ; he appreciated the hardships which they had already 
passed through, and knew, from personal experience, that they 
must be jaded ; but to dream of rest, even for a single hour, 
was to give a cowardly enemy, in overwhelming numbers — esti- 
mated at six thousand men — an opportunity of flight. More- 
over, it was half-past five, and the sun would soon be down ; 
every moment was, therefore, precious. The sooner a com- 
mencement of proceedings was made, the greater the prospect 
of doing what was to be done in a thoroughly-complete man- 
ner, and not after the fashion of some, who love to accomplish 
only by halves. Besides, our advance column had met with a 
warm reception from the enemy, the rebels having opened upon 
them with fire of musketry and cannon ; and the fire of their 
artillery and infantry was said to have been both brisk and 
severe. 

However great may have been the disinclination on our side 



302 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

to fight, there was no longer help for it. The infantry fell into 
line at the word of command, the artillery wheeled into posi- 
tion on either flank, and, bounding forward with a dash, com- 
menced the conflict. A serai was the first object of attack ; it 
was full of the enemy, who had guns placed there. 

The Brigadier knew the value of a few stirring words, spoken 
from the heart to the heart ; there is power in that kind of elo- 
quence, whether the speaker can ordinarily arrest public atten- 
tion in a set speech or not. I do n't think that at this moment 
Nicholson felt any ambition, that, in connection with his mem- 
ory, the fact should be recorded that among his other excellen- 
ces he excelled in oratory ; but, doubtless, he did wish that if, 
in the designs of Providence, this was to be his last command, 
and these, likewise, his last words, they might carry conviction 
to the minds of his audience of the imperative necessity for the 
caution he wished to suggest, and, at the same time, inflame 
the hearts of his soldiery with ardor for victory, which no odds 
or valor on the part of the enemy, and nothing, in fact, short 
of death itself, should quench. " Remember, men," said the 
commandant, " the experience which others have gained. Take 
for your example the 93d, and other regiments in the Crimea, 
who spurned to waste ammunition while at a distance from the 
enemy. Reserve your fire for a close range, and victory must 
be yours." 

Her Majesty's 61st and the 1st Europeans heard to obey. 
The next words were, " Line advance." The infantry moved 
as steadily and cheerfully as if on a parade. Soon the war- 
cry of the British soldier was heard — the manly cheer of Eng- 
lishmen, which accompanied , the rush toward the serai. In 
another moment the building, with its guns, was ours, and its 
sable defenders partly in our power. Now the Sepoys tried the 
efficacy of flight ; they made for the bridge, and there vainly- 
endeavored to maintain a stand. It was worse than use- 
less. The precision of our artillery fire was the admiration 



NARRATIVE OF THE SIEGE OF DELHI. 303 

of our own force, and the terror and destruction of the 
enemy. 

Upon this a company of infantry was ordered, as a covering 
party, to hold the bridge till preparations had been completed 
for blowing it up ; which was done both nobly and well, in 
spite of the galling cannonade directed against the bridge and 
its guardians from some guns which the rebels still possessed. 
Maximilian Geneste, as dauntless in the discharge of duty 
and as steady and cool under fire as any one present, made 
ready for the explosion. The enemy, I presume, seeing what 
was coming, would, if they could, have retaken the bridge. 
They made the attempt, but were disappointed and defeated. 
The engineer arrangements were not completed till long after 
midnight, during all which time the troops were without refresh- 
ment. Soon after this the train was fired, and the bridge was 
destroyed, hardly so much as a vestige remaining. 

Such was the victory gained by the little army under tbe 
brave Nicholson, on the 25th day of August, 1857. It was as 
brilliant as complete. The rebel camp, and camp equipage and 
treasure, and thirteen guns, were all captured and brought 
home by the victorious force. And this advantage was gained 
at a small cost ; our losses including in all only seventy-one 
killed and wounded. Lieutenant Lumsden, of Coke's Rifles, 
without exception one of the very best soldiers in India, was 
killed on the field. Lieutenant Gabbett, of Her Majesty's 61st 
Foot, was mortally wounded, and eventually died. Ensign 
Elkington, of the same regiment, after lingering for some days, 
met with a similar fate. But Dr. Ireland, notwithstanding the 
severity and nature of his wounds, recovered. 

By the 11th of September we had ready three siege batte- 
ries ; but if our advancing columns could not as yet storm and 
take the ramparts of Delhi, our breaching batteries, with salvo 
after salvo, astonished the besieged with their tremendous roar, 
and beat down piecemeal those stone walls in whose strength 



304 HEROES OP THE INDIAN EEBELLION. 

and impregnability the greatest reliance had been wont to be 
placed by the rebel host. Nine twenty-four-pounders had in- 
augurated the proceedings of the 11th ; and the fire, once com- 
menced, was unceasingly maintained with mortars, guns, and 
howitzers, from the period of its commencement till the 
assault. 

THE ASSAULT. 

The din and the roar of cannon had been hitherto deafening, 
but from Saturday till Monday morning — the morning when 
we stormed and took the ramparts of Delhi — roll after roll 
of ordnance-thunder, in a sxtccession almost momentary, fell 
with electric effect upon the ear. Nothing can be grander, 
nothing more fearfully imposing, than the circumstances at- 
tendant on a bombardment. And yet, terrible and grand as 
unquestionably they are, among them none is more so than 
the sight of living shell traversing the air, with more than 
the brilliancy of many falling meteors simultaneously, and in 
brightness rivaling, at times, the tremendous glare occasioned 
by continuous flashes of lightning during a stormy night. 

A council of war was summoned, and met for the dispatch 
of business, at the Major- General's tent, at 11 o'clock in the 
forenoon of the 12th of September. The members present at 
it were some of the staff and all the regimental commanding 
officers. The plans of the siege were laid before them, and 
each one was told what would be expected of him — what he 
was to do, where he was to go, and how he was to act, in case 
of unexpected emergency and danger, whenever the assault 
should be determined on. 

Of course every one present was anxious to know the day 
and the hour when the deadly strife should commence, though 
it is not very likely that any one ventured to put the question 
to the President of the Council. He knew what was probably 
the thought uppermost in every mind of the assembly over 



NARRATIVE OF THE SIEGE OF DELHI. 305 

wbich he sat presiding ; for one of the privileged number told 
me that the General said, " Gentlemen, I do not myself know 
the day nor the hour of the assault ; and if I did, I freely con- 
fess I would not tell you, for fear, in some happy moment, or 
at some social board, the secret might casually and unwittingly 
escape." Thus he dismissed them, and the meeting ended. 

Som-e little time after the departure of the members of the 
council of war to their respective camps, I chanced to drop 
into the tent of a friend, and found myself in the midst of a 
knot of men seated and absorbed in conversation. Tlie sub- 
ject of conversation was the meeting which had been assem- 
bled at 11 o'clock, A. M., and all that was said at it which 
might be told without a breach of confidence, was canvassed 
freely. The thoughts first of one and then of another were 
given. Every man present, except myself, was to take pai-t in 
the assault ; many of them were maimed, and had wives and 
children. Great, therefore, were the claims of affection upon 
these. Perhaps, it may be asked, with the prospects before 
them, what were the words of those men, and what the impres- 
sion which their manner made upon you ? 

These were questions concerning which I myself felt curiosity 
and concern, as I sat in that tent more as a hearer than a 
speaker, and rather as an observer than as one desirous of 
attracting attention toward myself. These men seemed to real- 
ize fully the solemnity of the coming struggle, which might 
now engage them at any hour. Yet were they not downhearted 
or melancholy ; still less were they light and trifling. A lively 
sense of the country's expectation of them to do their duty, 
and a determination on their part to do it without favor or par- 
tiality to themselves, were the most conspicuous features of the 
conversation and the company. There was here the absence 
of all vaunting, and in the place of it was the sobriety of 
reason and the inflexibility of Anglo-Saxon purpose and cour- 
age. And from what I both saw and heard in that tent, taken 

26 



806 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

in connection with the conviction, which spontaneously sprang 
up in my own mind, that only the reality of their sentiments 
had been expressed by the speakers, I went away impressed 
with an increase of respect for human nature. I saw that, 
with all its usual selfishness, it could be thoroughly unselfish, 
and was so on the present occasion. 

Not long after I had quitted this sphere of observation, the 
painful intelligence reached me that Captain Fagan Avas no 
more. Personally I knew but little of him : I had spoken to 
him but once in my life ; but I was won by his pleasing man- 
ners, so affable was he, and so very kind. But the slight degree 
of my acquaintance with him was more than compensated for, 
in a certain measure, by what I have heard of his military 
character, and the esteem which, in consequence, I conceived 
for him. 

No name in camp was ever connected more intimately and 
more frequently with heroism and valor than that of Robert 
Charles Henry Baines Fagan, and no name was more worthy 
of the honor paid to it. At the very instant that death snatched 
him rudely from the midst of his admiring brethren-in-arms, 
his praises were being rehearsed, in no doubtful or measiired 
language, by the tongue of another spirit, of kindred tastes and 
sympathies with himself. Only a second before, the eye of 
Captain Sir Edward Campbell, Bart., of the Royal Rifles, had 
been attracted by the valor which Captain Fagan was then 
displaying, the fearlessness with which he was exposing himself, 
and the extraordinary coolness which he was exhibiting, under 
a most galling and destructive fire. Sir Edward Campbell had 
turned aside from this noble display of self-sacrifice, in order to 
give expression of his boundless admiration of such a man, 
imder such circumstances. Hardly had he said the words in 
the hearing of Major E. W. S. Scott, "How noble a sight to 
see Fagan " when the noise occasioned by a fall inter- 
rupted them both — the one from hearing, and the other from 



NARRATIVE OF THE SIEGE OF DELHI. 307 

speaking. They simultaneously looked for the cause of the 
sound. Alas ! Fagan himself had fallen senseless to the earth. 
He was not dead, but dying fast. Of all the losses inflicted on 
the Bengal Artillery Regiment, the result of the mutiny and 
the accidents of war, none will be more feelingly deplored — 
excepting, perchance, that of Sir Henry Lawrence — than the 
loss of Captain Fagan. 

Such was one of the most melancholy events which befell 
us on Saturday, September 12th. Nevertheless, it produced no 
effect on the operations of that day, or of the succeeding night. 
The breaching batteries continued their work as busily and as 
noisily as before, unscrupulously trespassing on the rest of the 
Sabbath ; during the whole of which a respite from fire, even 
for a moment, was literally unknown. The camp knew no 
such happy sound as the church-going bell ; but our usual 
services, notwithstanding the want of it, were held, and many 
more attended them than might have been supposed ; of course, 
many a familiar face was missing, and its absence from the 
solemn assemblies of camp accounted for by its presence in the 
trenches. 

In addition to the ordinary prayers, and the delivery of ser- 
mons, I was requested by the officers of one of the most 
gallant corps composing part of the force, to administer to them, 
and as many of their brigade as would attend, the sacrament of 
the Lord's supper. Of course I could not but comply, and 
never was compliance with request more cordial, or accompanied 
with intenser pleasure. It was a deeply-solemn and impressive 
occasion. We assembled for the purpose in a tent, and there 
eact of us, absorbed in the depth of his own thoughts — and I 
trust looking up, at the same time, with the eye of simple faith, 
and in a spirit of true repentance, toward Him who said, " Do 
this in remembrance of me " — partook of the holy eucharist. 
It is one of the Sundays of camp which, methinks, I never can 
forget ; not simply or only, though principally, because of this 



308 HEROES OP THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

devout act of commemoration of the Redeemer's dying love ; 
but also because a presentiment universally prevailed through- 
out the force, and which more than ordinarily solemnized the 
mind, that the time was very near at hand when the word of 
command would be " Advance columns to the attack." Such 
were the impressions of the day of the 13th September. 

Presently night stole on, under the cover of which the young 
Engineers, four in number, Lieutenants Medley, Lang, Home, 
and Greathed, proceeded to examine the trenches made at the 
Cashmere and Water Bastions. The reports were satisfactory. 

At three o'clock of the 14th of September, the five assault- 
ing columns fell in — the total strength 1,000 bayonets. The 
columns were commanded by General Nicholson, Brigadier 
Jones, Colonel Campbell, Major Eeid, and Colonel Deacon. 
The force paraded at half-past three on the morning of the 
14th September ; the three columns destined to operate against 
the city, together with the Rifles, and the reserve, moved out of 
camp to the neighborhood of Ludlow Castle. There the whole 
of the troops halted, and were told off to their respective desti- 
nations ; their presence being dexterously concealed from the 
sight of the enemy till the moment for action had fully arrived. 

At length, when every thing was ready, the signal for com- 
mencement of operations was given. The Royal Rifles inaugu- 
rated the proceedings of the day by a loud and hearty English 
cheer, simultaneously with which they advanced steadily to the 
fore front, crossing a bridge and extending themselves as skir- 
mishers in a line of divisions ; two divisions going to the right 
and two to the left. Thus extended, they covered in magnifi- 
cent style the heads of each of the advancing columns. 

The siege guns up to this moment had been maintaining a 
deafening and destructive fire, which the enemy were unable to 
answer with even a single piece of ordnance. The Moree, Cash- 
mere, and Water Bastions had long been still as death ; whereas 
our batteries had been growing louder and louder, more and 



NARRATIVE OF THE SIEGE OF DELHI. 309 

more angry than before. Unexpectedly a hill ensued : the 
raging storm of British artillery was suddenly hushed in silence. 
In another moment the heads of the columns under Brigadier 
Nicholson and Jones were distinguishable, peering out, as it 
were, from their snug hiding-places in the neighborhood of the 
Khoodsia Bagh. 

No sooner were these columns seen by those within the city, 
than a determined effort was made from the walls to drive back 
the advancing force. But a British purpose, once formed, is 
not so easily to be turned. Musketry fire miay, and doubtless 
will make its impression ; and a musket in the hand, whether 
of this man or of that, who knows how to use it, and has 
been long practiced in the art, proves equally destructive. So 
we found to our sorrow on the morning of the storm. Num- 
bers had already fallen by the enemy's musketry, and numbers 
also were continuing to fall, the nearer each of the columns 
approached to the respective breaches which had been given 
them to carry. But, with dauntless courage, they nevertheless 
kept advancing. 

Presently the ditch was gained. Our first real impediment 
occurred there. It had something to do with the scaling-lad- 
ders, and their adjustment, so as to enable the stormers to as- 
cend the scarp. This delay, whether avoidable or unavoidable, 
I can not say, involved us in serious losses ; but no amount of 
discouragement, and nothing in the shape of impediment, could 
cool the ardor of the troops. 

No sooner was the descent into the ditch effected, than the 
breaches were respectively carried, with a noble display of valor 
on the part of all present; every man vieing with his neighbor 
in a spirit of noble emulation. Carried away entirely with the 
excitement of the occasion, the Rifles, whose duty it was to 
cover, and who discharged that duty to the admiration of every 
beholder, could not withstand the temptation which now met 
them. 



310 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

Forgetting that, being light infantry, they were as such essen- 
tially skirmishers, they were among the very foremost to mount 
the walls of the city. Theirs were the first caps waved in token 
of victory ; and theirs among the first human voices proudly 
raised to proclaim what we had gained and the enemy 
had lost. 

The assaulting columns had now gained a firm foothold 
within the city, Nicholson and Jones leading up to the Cash- 
mere Gate. Barrier after barrier yielded before their resolution. 
They first seized a tower and a battery, situated along the line 
of space intervening between the Cashmere and Moree Gates. 
Presently they gained the Moree Bastion itself, with the Cabul 
Gate also. They then made several determined attempts to 
wrest from the enemy's possession the Burun Bastion and the 
Lahore Gate. But no amount of courage, or of strategy, will 
ahoays compensate for overwhelming numbers ; especially when 
backed by the desperation of men who fight with halters round 
their necks. 

If any man could have succeeded in these attempts, that man 
was, doubtless, Brigadier-General Nicholson. But the enemy 
had so concentrated themselves in this neighborhood, that 
though the design was Avorthy of the immortal Nicholson and 
his brave men, the weakness of his forces obliged him to fall 
back upon, and be content with, the maintenance of his former 
position at the Cashmere Gate. 

It was in the vain attempt to carry the Lahore Gate that 
Nicholson, the pride of the whole army of India, was smitten, 
while actively engaged in encouraging his men to make yet oiie 
effort more to drive the enemy from his stronghold there. 

The third column, under Colonel George Campbell, of Her 
Majesty's 52d Light Infantry, after reforming at the main 
guard of the Cashmere Gate, first provided a small party to 
expel some of the enemy remaining within the Water Bastion. 
This seems to have been done very effectually, and at the point 



NARRATIVE OF THE SIEGE OP DELHI. 311 

0. tlie bayonet. Next they proceeded to clear the compound 
ot the Cutcherry, which was adjoining, with the houses in- the 
immediate neighborhood, besides the station church of St. 
James, and the "Delhi Gazette" compound. Thus the column 
kept steadily advancing, nothing apparently, as yet, being able 
to arrest its progress onward. 

The line of advance which had been laid down for this column 
in the plan of assault was closely followed. This led them 
through the Bazar, in the neighborhood of the Cashmere Gate. 
A gun which was placed in position there so as to sweep the 
street was gallantly taken by a party who followed Lieutenant 
Bradshaw ; a very young soldier, whose valor on this occasion 
cost him his life. The column now took the direction of the 
Begum's Bagh, through which it secured a tolerably-unmolested 
passage ; but, on reaching the gate of that Bagh, or garden, 
which opens directly on the Chandee Chouk, it was found to be 
closed. Presently it was opened by a friendly native chu- 
prassie. Through it the column passed, under fire from the 
tops of the houses, to the Jumma Musjid, the great place of 
Mohammedan worship ; the side arches of which were found to 
be bricked up, and the gate also closed. 

A difficulty now aiose ; there were neither powder-bags nor 
guns to force it open. The enemy were also lining the houses, 
and maintaining a very heavy musketry fire. In spite of these 
untoward circumstances, the column held its own, momentarily 
expecting aid to arrive. But it came not. Our failure at the 
Lahore Gate prevented this ; and thus, without help for it, the 
column was obliged to fall back on the Begum's gardens, and 
join the reserve. 

The fourth column did its work bravely and well, but inef- 
fectually, and were obliged to fall back on their original 
position. 

It must not ^8 supposed that I was an eye-witness of the op- 
erations described. I would have given not a little if my duties 



312 HEKOES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

had excused me from attention to matters moi-e important ; but 
they did not. The doctors with the chaplains, from simrise to 
sunset, passed their hours within the walls of the field hospital, 
distant from the walls of the city about half a mile. The house 
in which the hospital was held was painted with ocher. It 
stood on the town side of the Racket-court, nearly opposite to 
the Assembly rooms, and a little above the estate of Sir The- 
ophilus Metcalfe. 

Such a scene as that hospital presented all day long, I never 
witnessed in all my life before. By this time, as may be sup- 
posed, I had grown tolerably familiar with sights which, on 
first acquaintance, harrow the feelings and chill the blood. But 
all that I had seen antecedently to this, had failed to steel my 
heart or deaden the sensibilities of my nature. Soon after the 
assault commenced, the dhoolies, freighted with European and 
native wounded and dead, kept hastening along the various 
avenues from the city toward the hospital. No sooner were 
one set of dhoolies emptied of their contents and discharged for 
fresh patients, than the same sad duty had to be repeated again 
and again, moment after moment and hour after hour, in long 
succession. 

Many a purdah have I lifted, to see who was within some 
particular dhoolie to which it was attached, and as many a sor- 
rowful and pain-giving sight have I been constrained to wit- 
ness, in consequence of such curiosity ; not by any means either 
impertinent or intrusive, but altogether necessarj^ and equally 
kind. Now, for instance, I chanced to light upon a dhoolie in 
which lay extended the stalwart frame of some brave Anglo- 
Saxon motionless in death. The vital spark had seemingly 
escaped without observation of mortal eye, while the patient 
had been hastened on in search of medical succor and skill. 
Now again I introduced myself to another heir of sorrow, 
breathing, indeed, but whose injuries wei'e evidently mortal — a 
low pulse, a quick heaving of the chest, and a deep, unearthly 



NARRATIVE OF THE SIEGE OF DELHI. 313 

moan, with ejes half open and nnnatui-ally uplifted, proclaim- 
ing that death had irrevocably claimed him for his own. Others 
there unquestionably were of whom better hopes could be 
reasonably conceived ; whose wounds were fresh with the blood 
of life, and whose pains in many cases were hard to bear. 

A small building, the walls of which were of mud and the 
roof tiled, stood in one corner of the compound : it served as a 
dead-house ; and there the mortal remains of many a hero, dis- 
figured with ugly but honorable wounds, found shelter awhile, 
till arrangements could be made to commit them to their mother 
earth. All this is descriptive of that which was without the 
walls, and in the immediate neighborhood, of the hospital. 
Now let us take a glance at that which may be seen ivithin. 

Every apartment is crowded with charpoys — common native 
bedsteads — and every charpoy is occupied ; some have been not 
only twice, but a score of times, even before the sun had reached 
the meridian. Indeed, the wounded were so many, that a little 
straw strewn on the ground served many a brave English and 
native soldier for a bed. We could not give them more. 

In the verandas around the house,- here and there were to be 
seen tables of wood roughly put together, and lying prostrate 
thereon, with head slightly raised, now a wounded officer, and 
now a common soldier. Around them were assembled sur- 
geons and apothecaries, all busily engaged in operating. Al- 
most every kind of amputation was performed : legs and arms, 
and even fingers, bloodless and shriveled, no longer members 
of their respective bodies, laid carelessly on the ground, were 
common sights of horror. 

It was within this building I, for the first time, spoke to the 
greater and the lesser Nicholson brothers ; and it was here I 
renewed an old acquaintance with the gallant Salkeld, whom 
some few years ago I met at Meerut. 

It M'as here also I read, seated beside Sergeant Eichard 
M'Keowin, of Her Majesty's 52d Light Infantry. And never 

27 



314 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

was my heart more stirred within me than when I watched the 
last moments of this humble disciple of the once crucified but 
now exalted Redeemer. I had known the good man since 1855, 
when first his regiment came to Meerut : he was then a corporal 
in the regiment. His countenance was manly and handsome, 
and when lighted up with that sweet smile which was peculiarly 
his own, a more heavenly face I never saw. You could almost 
tell thereby, that the peace of God, which passeth all under- 
standing, kept this man's heart and mind in the knowledge and 
love of God, and of his Son Jesus Christ our Lord. M'Keowin 
was a Churchman, possessing great largeness of heart. I love 
Church of England piety, when it is real. There is nothing 
like it for humility, docility, and love : at least I never met with 
the like. 

It appears he had been wounded in the advance through the 
city, when his regiment was making for the Jumma Musjid, but 
the exact spot in the town where he fell I can not say. I knew 
nothing about it till Mr. Apothecary Tibbits, himself a most ex- 
cellent and superior man, of his own regiment, came to me and 
said, "You know Sergeant M'Keowin, sir ?" I replied afiirma- 
tively. " He is just brought to the hospital," said Mr. Tibbits, 
" mortally wounded, and is calling for you." 

I hurried to the dhoolie, and sure enough there he was, with 
a countenance peaceful, but somewhat sad. He extended his 
hand to me ; I took it and pressed it gently, and asked, " Ser- 
geant, what ails you?" He answered slowly and faintly, "I 
shall soon be with my dear Savior." When I said in reply, 
" We can ill afford to spare you. Sergeant : I hope our pros- 
pect of losing you is not so sure as you anticipate," all he an- 
swered was, "My pain, sir, is intolerable. I desire to bear it in 
meek resignation to my heavenly Father's will. I hope I shall 
not murmur and complain." I said no more for the present, 
but got him out of the dhoolie, and laid him on some straw on 
the ground. What would I not then have given to have been 



NARRATIVE OF THE SIEGE OF DELHI. 315 

privileged to offer him the best bed in my possession ! But I 
could not. 

I sat beside this dying saint and distinguished soldier, and 
read verse by verse of the 23d Psalm, stopping awhile to listen 
to his passing comments. The teacher in his turn was now 
literally willing to be taught. I never heard words which sank 
deeper, or made more impression on myself. When the Psalm 
was ended, and the patient had done speaking, I ventured to 
say, " Sergeant, shall I pray ?" This question I repeated more 
than once, as he seemed suddenly to be dull of hearing, and his 
eyes had been some time closed. At length I gained something 
approaching to an answer, but it amounted only to " Sir ?" 
Then I first detected his failing consciousness. During the in- 
terval of another minute Sergeant M'Keowin, to use his own 
dying words, " was with his dear Savior." Some time after 
this I laid hiim in the grave ; which, for the love and respect 
that I bore him, I have marked with a plain stone, and an 
equally simple inscription. It was but little to do ; but I could 
do no more : had he been living, and were it possible for him 
to recognize the act and intention of a friend, I am sure, from 
my intimate knowledge of his character, he would have magni- 
fied this mole-hill into a mountain of kindness. 

One word more respecting the field hospital. The ecclesias- 
tical staff present during this day was sadly deficient in num- 
bers : in fact, this was really the case from the beginning of 
military operations ; the necessary consequence of which was, 
that while, perhaps, every brave dying man had some consola- 
tion and exhortation addressed to him, in his moments of 
suffering, the majority could not receive any thing like the at- 
tention which the urgency of their cases imperatively demanded. 
But for this the chaplains of the force were not to blame in the 
least ; they strove very hard to supply the deficiency occasioned 
by the want of numbers. One of them, the Eev. F. W. Ellis, 
worked this day from sunrise till he was overtaken by fever, 



316 HEROES OP THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

which he had contracted early in the commencement of his 
camp life, and which had been brought on by overwork and 
constant exposure to miasmatic influence. On account of this 
fever, he was urged by medical advisers, again and again, to 
leave camp ; but he would not : his labors Avere instant in 
season and out of season. 

From the commencement of his illness, till the close of his 
career before Delhi, he never gave himself time to rally or 
regain strength. How could he ? He was responsible, when 
sharing the hardships of the army, for an amount of clerical 
duty which, previously to the mutiny, had been divided among 
no less than five chaplains. The whole of this, in an accumu- 
lated form, was heaped without consideiation, possibly with- 
out help, upon one man. The result has been that after two 
months' service with the Delhi Field Force, that man has been 
driven home in search of health. The Roman Catholic chap- 
lain who joined, with equally-laudable intentions, and about 
the same time as Mr. Ellis, whose name has escaped my recol- 
lection, left camp also, disabled by sickness. 

Faint and weary with the toil of the previous day, I was glad 
to retire when night had fully come, and thus banish awhile the 
painful impressions which had been made during the last twelve 
hours. About midnight my slumbers which were profound, 
and promised also to be long, were suddenly broken by my 
sirdar bearer, who came up to my bedside and said, " Sir, 
Colonel Thompson, the Commissary-General, has sent you a 
letter, which is immediate ; some fifteen or twenty coolies, daily 
laborers, await your instructions." The darkness abroad was 
very dense. The note I found to contain a request, which I com- 
plied with, to repair at once to the burial-ground, and select one 
large spot as a last resting-place for those, who, while bravely 
engaged in the actual operations of the storm, had been over- 
taken with the deep and unbroken sleep of death. 

To make this selection was very difficult, inasmuch as the 



NARRATIVE OF THE SIEGE OF DELHI. 317 

graveyard was, at this date, thickly studded with graves. For- 
tunately there was one spot, as broad as it was long, yet left 
unoccupied, near the entrance of the camp cemetery I availed 
myself of it with melancholy satisfaction, because I felt there 
was no longer the existence of a stern necessity — which I had 
feared on ray way thither — of separating friend from friend in 
death, who in life had been animated with a common hope, and 
had proposed to themselves a common object ; in the prose- 
cution of which some had been compelled to lay down their 
arms before others, and all at various periods during our en- 
campment before Delhi. 

Early on the morning of Tuesday, the 15th of September, 
soon after the clocks had told four, I proceeded again to the 
burial-ground, where I found all the fallen brave awaiting me ; 
and there, also, I must have been detained two full hours and 
more, employed in the mournful work of supervising the burial. 
My thoughts, all this while, may be easier imagined than de- 
scribed. Among the multitude and sadness of my musings I 
could not but realize my own personal obligations, and the na- 
tional debt of gratitude due to these departed men, for all their 
self-sacrifice and noble devotion in the cause of England's mar- 
tyred innocents. Now again I thought of war's cruel severance 
of ties, and of the hearts at a distance, which must be presently 
broken thereby. And now also I found difficulty in silencing 
my inclination to intrude into places and things unseen, and in 
restraining the vain attempt to solve a question, with direct 
application to the dead lying before me, asking, " Where are 
they ?" Such were some of my mental occupations, as long as 
my presence was required within the cemetery. But seeing that 
our losses from wounds were necessarily severer than those 
from death, it was indeed a relief to me, as soon as I well 
could, to exchange the graveyard, first for my tent-house, and 
afterward for the wards of the several hospitals of my own 
charge. 



318 HEROES OP THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

As tlie day wore on, I instituted inc[uiries respecting our prog- 
ress within the walls, and found we were just where we were 
the previous day; holding the line from the Delhi College to 
the Cabul Gate : the magazine, which was close to the College, 
was still in the possession of the enemy. The heavy guns and 
mortars had been brought in some time during the 14th, or early 
on the morning of the 15th, and a battery erected within the 
College compound, with the design of breaching the magazine ; 
the walls of which, toward evening, exhibited symptoms of 
destruction. 

Mortars also were placed in position so as to shell the Palace. 
But all that day we added nothing to our possessions : the en- 
emy were still occupants of Kissen Gunge. Our camp re- 
mained almost as defenseless as on the day of the storm ; for 
not a single infantry soldier could be spared from the city to 
protect it. But the hands of its original defenders, consisting 
chiefly of the convalescent patients of hospitals, were strength- 
ened by the return of some of the cavalry and light field-pieces 
of the Horse Artillery. 

Further advances were made during the 17th of Septemberj 
by the troops placed under the able and judicious command of 
Colonel John Jones, of Her Majesty's 60th Royal Rifles ; to 
whom the greatest obligations are due for his management 
of operations within walls since the 15th. 

The mischievous gun to which I have already alluded as 
causing so much annoyance, met with a repulse so complete 
that we assumed a position considerably in advance of what we 
held before. The Delhi Bank-house, looking on the Chandee 
Chouk, a perfect ruin standing in a large garden full of trees, 
and, therefore, full of cover for men with small arms, fell into 
our hands, and we held it from that day. One or two other 
houses were also taken, but on account of being commanded 
by certain hostile guns from the opposite side of the street, our 
tenure of them had to be relinquished for a time. 



NAKRATIVE OF THE SIEGE OF DELHI. 319 

We succeeded in getting mortars into the Bank-house, hy 
means of which we kept up a bombardment directed against 
the Palace. During the operations of the day we incurred the 
loss of that brave and energetic officer, who had taken the 
Water Bastion. I refer to Ensign Phillips, formerly of the 
11th Bengal Native Infantry, who was transferred by the Horse 
Guards — at the joint request of Colonel Jones and himself, and 
with the hearty good-will of the whole regiment — to the 1st 
Battalion of the 60th Rifles, from the day after the death of 
Ensign Napier. 

During the afternoon he was busily engaged in front of the 
enemy's guns, superintending the erection of breastworks, and, 
while thus employed, he was marked out and slain by the rebels. 
His death was almost instantaneous, and elicited many an un- 
feigned expression of deep sorrow from his brother officers 
and the soldiers of the regiment. I was present at his burial, 
which took place at sunset of the same day as his death ; 
Father Bertrand, the Roman Catholic priest, for the first and 
the last time since the commencement of operations, officiating 
at a commissioned officer's funeral ; this being only the second 
Roman Catholic officer lost to the force. 

The 18th of September found us rejoicing over the double 
fact that an uninterrupted communication now existed between 
our right and left divisions, and that our rear was free from an- 
noyance by the enemy, and the ground absolutely our own. 
Moreover, the mortars were unceasingly throwing shell into the 
Palace, and at a comparatively close range. 

Every day brought with it more and more opening pros- 
pects. Nevertheless, the mutineers still claimed with us shares 
in imperial Delhi, a subject about which we were continuing to 
dispute with them somewhat unceremoniously. Providence, 
seemingly, was inclining toward us in the decision between the 
contending parties. 

We took possession of two houses, known as Major Ah- 



320 HEEOES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

bott's and Khan Mahomed's, on the right side of the road, just 
below the Palace. These we held in spite of the enemy, and 
they gave us complete command of the guns at the Palace 
Gate. Colonel Jones, of the Rifles, now threw up breastworks 
across the road, and his operations were very nearly brought 
to a successful and glorious determination. Two guns and four 
mortars were still keeping up a continuous fire against the 
Palace, and ourMinie rifles were busily employed by marksmen 
whose experience and skill in the use of them kept increasing 
day by day. 

The riflemen were to be seen very cozily perched on the tops 
of houses, which their own valor had wrested from the muti- 
neers ; and from their exalted position every now and then you 
heard a report one moment, and the next you saw the effect of 
the shot on the person of some rebel. 

But the operations were not exclusively, though mainly con- 
fined to the men of Colonel Jones's advanced posts. The 
troops to the right of this force, and in the direction of the 
Cabul Gate, sallied forth from thence, and surprised and cap- 
tured the " Burun Bastion." This was a very important acqui- 
sition. We now only wanted, on this side of the town, the 
Lahore Gate, and on the opposite side, the Palace and Selim 
Ghur, and all would be ours. The enemy were evidently fast 
retreating, and the possession of the Lahore Gate and its 
neighboring bastions enabled them to cover their retreat. 

Is it not true how closely the sorrows and the joys of life are 
blended together ? This is an experience early gained by every 
inheritor of frail humanity. The successes of the day made 
many a heart bound with joy ; but there were, notwithstanding, 
some — and these some brethren, according to the flesh — who 
were present with the force, and whose faces unmistakably be- 
tokened unmitigated grief. Cholera was yet clinging to the 
camp. Soon after early morn it selected for a victim one of 
the ruddiest and most robust of men. Even a long Indian 



NARRATIVE OP THE SIEGE OF DELHI. 321 

residence had not managed to steal from him those rosy tints, 
the sight of which in any profusion naturally carry back the 
thoughts to those sea-girt shores which Britons, during their 
expatriation to this land of continuous sunshine, know by the 
name of " home." 

The agent to the Hon. the Lieutenant-Governor of the 
North- Western Provinces most unexpectedly sickened of this 
intractable disease, and, before midnight, Hervey Harris Great- 
hed, of the Bengal Civil Service, a remarkably-healthy man, 
ceased to breathe. The event took us all by surprise, and 
occasioned very much sorrow. The force sustained in him a 
very severe loss. Indoctrinated with the principles of the 
school of his own particular class in the public service, he had 
strong sympathies with the army. Without being a man of 
shining talents, he possessed strong good sense, and considera- 
ble tact ; and his name and his memory yet live in the army 
and will continue to do so. 

The loss of Mr. Greathed, on the 19th of September, was 
not the only one sustained by us during that day. A very gal- 
lant and most promising young officer — Gambler, by name — 
Adjutant of the 38th Bengal Light Infantry, which mutinied at 
Delhi, preceded the agent of the Lieutenant-Governor of the 
North- West Provinces, only by a very few hours, into the world 
of spirits. He died of his wounds, and was among the very 
last of those buried in the Cantonment burial-ground. Mr. 
Greathed was the first who found a resting-place in Ludlow 
Castle graveyard ; which, with its undulating grounds, its hil- 
locks, and small valleys lying just beneath, its ecclesiastical 
head-stones and foot-stones — the designs of many of which are 
among those most approved of by the Cambridge Camden So- 
ciety, in whose welfare the late chaplain of Delhi took the 
liveliest interest — is, without exception, the prettiest of ceme- 
teries which it has ever been my good fortune to see in India. 
A church or chapel, like those you meet with in England, the 



822 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

weeping-willow, tlie cypress, or the yew, are the only things 
which it wants to give it the completeness and perfection of 
some of those country church- yards, amid the monumental 
stones of which I loved to wander in boyhood, reading the in- 
scriptions as I went along. The recollections of those days, so 
susceptible of holy impressions, invariably bring with them 
something of pleasure, and also something of pain ; perhaps 
more of the latter than of the former. 

The 20th of September was the last of the Sundays in camp. 
I had promised the Artillery a service in the College of Delhi, 
and was as good as my word. Before, however, I could dis- 
charge this duty, I learned that the Lahore Gate had, at length, 
fallen into the hands of the army. A camp skirting the 
"Delhi Grate," as it is called, by the way of distinction, had 
also been discovered by our cavalry to have been abandoned by 
the rebels. Lieutenant Hod son was not long in securing pos- 
session of it ; ridding himself first of some of the enemy's 
deserted hospital patients. The flight of the occupants of this 
camp had been evidently very precipitate ; for they had not 
even given themselves time to relieve it of a great deal which 
we call, in language of war, booty. 

The next thing we heard of was the possession of the Mo- 
hammedan temple, dedicated in honor of the false prophet, the 
place of worship of those who believe and trust in him for sal- 
vation. The Jumma Musjid, which resisted an assault on the 
memorable 14th of September, and from which we had to re- 
tire, now fell an easy prey before our victorious arms. Colonel 
Jones, with his party, had ,taken the last of the houses which 
occupied a site directly facing the Imperial Palace. 

This capture was followed, first by that of the enemy's guns 
guarding the road leading to the royal dwelling-place ; and 
very soon after, reconnoitering through a small opening of the 
gate of the Palace, and sending for reinforcements, the Engi- 
neers, by the help of their powder-bags, made an opening. A 



NARRATIVE OF THE SIEGE OF DELHI. 323 

rush immediately succeeded, but there was no opposition offered. 
The Palace was well-nigh deserted : the few men found within 
were indiscriminately slain ; and from the durbar throne of the 
renowned, treacherous, and blood-stained house of Timour, 
Colonel Jones — his good services fully entitling him to assume 
that honorable position — was the first to propose and drink 
Her Most Gracious Majesty's health ; after which rounds of 
cheers, in rapid succession, both loud and long, rent the air. 

When Colonel Jones wrote to Major-Greneral Wilson, an- 
nouncing the capture of the Palace, in his own matter-of fact 
style, in these few and simple words, " Blown open the gate 
and got possession of the Palace," the General replied in terms 
most complimentary to the Commandant of the Royal Rifles, 
and in recognition of this most important and valuable serv- 
ice, appointed him forthwith "Commandant of the Palace," 
an office Avhich, while it involved much responsibility, and 
not a little labor, proved, in the end, only honorary. 

Just before the creation of this appointment, and immedi- 
ately upon getting a firm footing in the city, and establishing 
his own quarters there, the General, to the great satisfaction of 
every body, distingxiished the Rifles and the Sirmoor Battalion 
by giving to each of these regiments the exclusive right and 
privilege of finding his own body-guard. This he did because 
of their preeminent gallantry throughout the operations, and in 
honorable recognition of their distinguished and most valuable 
services. 

An uninterrupted course of success and glory, unsullied by a 
single spot, had attended the Rifles, from the moment it left Mee- 
rut to its return to quarters in its old and favorite cantonment ; 
an event which only occurred as late as the 1st of February, 
1858. It marched out on the morning of that day, before the 
sun had risen ; and as the men passed out of the Palace, the 
little Gorkhas of the Sirmoor Battalion — with whom they had 
been brigaded under the distinguished Major Reid, supported by 



824 HEKOES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION, 

the presence of his European and native commissioned officers — 
lined either side of the way, presented arms, and cheered till they 
grew hoarse. This was a spontaneous tribute of respect on the 
part of a single and a native regiment. But as the Rifles ad- 
vanced to the gateway leading out of the Palace, Her Majesty's 
61st and the 2d Bengal Fusileers — the only European remnants 
in Delhi of the Delhi field-force, excepting the Artillery — met 
them with fresh manifestations of parting pleasure, and vied 
with each other in trying which should do them most honor ; 
now the hand of this regiment, and now the band of that, play- 
ing them out of the city, even beyond the Bridge of Boats across 
the river Jumna. 

At length the 21st of September dawned upon us. A royal 
salute at sunrise proclaimed that Delhi was once more a de- 
pendency of the British crown. The headquarters of General 
Wilson were established in the Dewan Khas of the Palace. 
During the day Captain Hodson went out, accompanied by a 
native, who knew the royal family, and took the person of his 
Imperial Majesty, Shah Bahadoor Shah, somewhere near the 
Khootub, and brought him in a prisoner to the Palace. 

On the following day Captain Hodson again went forth in 
search of the royal family, and his mission was attended with 
success. The two sons, Mirza Moghul, Commander-in-chief of 
the rebel army, Mirza Kheyo Sultan, with the grandson, the 
son of the Mirza Moghul, by name Mirza Aboo Bukker, were 
all taken on the 22d. They suffered death by the hand of 
Captain Hodson himself, on the spot near which they had been 
taken. All three had been known to be deeply implicated in the 
mutiny and bloodshed of the English. And at the Kotwalle, 
Avhere our men, women, and children had been ignominiously 
and cruelly slain, the bodies of the Shahzadas, or Princes, lay 
exposed, as spectacles of righteous indignation and scorn. 

The slight hopes of recovery which the doctors gave, after a 
very careful examination of the wound of Brigadier-General 



NARRATIVE OF THE SIEGE OF DELHI. 325 

Nicholson, completely failed ns. On the morning of the 23d 
of September this great and valiant man expired, in the 35th 
year of his age, to the inexpressible regret of the whole force. 
I remember well the day of his death, and the impression which 
it made. In him we all felt we had lost a tower of strength. 
None that ever saw him, and that but once in life, could question 
appearances, which in him were not deceptive but real ; or 
deny that those appearances irresistibly conveyed to the mind a 
conviction, which nothing afterward could disturb, namely, 
" This man was made for command." It was evident enough 
that, by the constitution of nature, as well as from the adventi- 
tious circumstance of his having assumed, with no common de- 
votion, the profession of arms, Nicholson was essentially a 
soldier, and a soldier not unworthy of comparison with the great- 
est military captains of by-gone days. Some say also he was a 
diplomatist of the first class. Very likely ; but, without de- 
termining this point, manifestly he was the man, above and 
beyond every other man in the ranks of the army north of 
Cawnpore : certainly, his superior could not be found in the 
army. ' However much those senior to him may envy his great- 
ness — for envy is a weakness common to us all — or complain 
of his exaltation over them by what may seem the exercise of 
a despotic authority, it was impossible for any one to say with 
truth that Nicholson's was not genuine greatness. With him 
greatness did not consist in a name merely gained — as many 
names are — by doing little or next to nothing. No ; the ster- 
ling qualities of a soldier were the qualities of Nicholson : the 
more his difficulties multiplied, the brighter his gifts and his 
graces shone. 

Soon after sunrise of the morning of the 24th of September, 
the painful duty of consigning the mortal remains of this great 
soldier to the tomb devolved upon me. It was a solemn serv- 
ice, and perhaps the simplicity which characterized the arrange- 
ments of the funeral added considerably to the solemnity of 



326 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

the occasion ; particularly when you realized and contrasted 
with this simplicity the acknowledged greatness of the deceased. 

The funeral cortege was comparatively small ; very few be- 
sides personal friends composed the mournful train. Most 
prominent, and most distinguished of all those who best loved 
and best valued Nicholson, was Chamberlain. He had soothed 
the dying moments of the departed hero, and having ministered 
to his comforts while living, now that he was dead and con- 
cealed from his sight, he stood as long as he well could beside 
the coffin as chief mourner. The corpse was brought from the 
General's own tent, on a gun carriage ; whether covered with a 
pall or otherwise I can not say. But no roar of cannon an- 
nounced the departure of the procession from camp ; no volleys 
of musketry disturbed the silence which prevailed at his grave ; 
no martial music was heard. Thus, without pomp or show, 
we buried him. He was the second of those commanders who, 
since the capture of Delhi, was laid beneath the sods of Ludlow 
Castle graveyard. And over his remains, subsequently to this 
date, sincere friendship has erected a durable memorial, consist- 
ing of a large slab of marble, taken from the King's Garden 
attached to the imperial Palace. Few and simple are the words 
inscribed thereon, but all-sufficient, nevertheless, to perpetuate 
the indissoluble connection of Nicholson with Delhi. 

Besides Nicholson, we also buried on that day a young officer 
named Cairnes, of the 1st Eui-opeau Bengal Fusileers, who 
died of cholera. 

The camp showed, on the 25th of September, evidences of 
steady and gradual diminution. Now one corps and now 
another was to be seen striking their tents, and removing them 
to positions proximate to and even within Delhi. The cavalry 
were the last to desert the old post. 

On sanitary grounds alone a removal was necessary. The 
putrefying carcasses of dead camels and bullocks were lying on 
every side of us, and there had been no means of removing 



NARRATIVE OF THE SIEGE OF DELHI. 327 

them to a distance since the army had entered the city. A con- 
tinuance of this evil a few days longer, and the consequences 
on the health of the troops might have been very serious. 

The 26th day of September was a Saturday, and I was busily 
engaged all day long in my tent, preparing for Sunday. A 
day or two previously I had received a note from Greneral Wil- 
son, suggesting that our successes should be celebrated on Sun- 
day, September 27th, in a public manner, by a general thanks- 
giving. This suggestion gave me great pleasure, and says 
much for the piety of Greneral Wilson ; than whom, from all I 
have ever heard, no man saw more clearly the hand of God in 
the means that enabled him and his force to defeat the insur- 
gents, and possess himself of the stronghold of the mutiny. 

My colleague arranged with me some slight alterations, neces- 
sary in the ordinary morning service; which, as simple minis- 
ters without episcopal functions, we did not wish to alter more 
than was essential. The venerable bishop could not be con- 
sulted, or we should have done so without fail. 

The alterations we agreed to were the following ; Sentences 
before exhortation, Daniel ix, 9, 10 ; Lamentations iii, 22. 

Instead of the psalms for the day we took the psalm, or hymn 
of praise and thanksgiving after victory ; to be found quite 
toward the end of the forms of prayers to be used at sea. 

Instead of the usual lessons for the day, and as the troops 
had to stand, we selected for the first lesson, Isaiah xii, and 
for the 2d, Luke xvii, from verse 11 to 19 inclusive ; and for 
the collect for the day we substituted the last collect in the 
forms of prayer to be used at sea. 

Immediately before the General Thanksgiving, we read the 
particular "Thanksgiving for peace and deliverance from our 
enemies." In the General Thanksgiving we inserted, in the 
proper place there denoted, the following words, " Particularly 
to us who desire now to offer up our praises and thanksgivings 
for thy late mercies vouchsafed unto us, in our wonderful pres- 



328 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

ervation, as well from the exposure to weather during the re- 
cent season of the year, as for the regulation of that season in 
such extraordinary manner as to favor thy servants composing 
the army, which stood for so many months before the walls of 
Delhi ; likewise, for restraining the further spread of disease 
within the camp ; also, for every triumph upon every occasion, 
And in every engagement against the mutineers since we took 
the field ; hut especially for the signal success which, in the 
gracious arrangements of divine Providence, attended the latest 
operations of the army, and eventually led to our occupation 
■of the fort and city of Delhi, the stronghold of the Tiiutiny." 
In every other respect the Rubrics and Calendars were religiously 
observed. 

Accordingly, as early as 7 in the morning of Sunday the 
27th, the troops which could be spared and were off duty, as- 
sembled within the "Dewan Khas," the council-chamber of the 
ex-King, in obedience to the Field Force Orders given over 
night. The building was tolerably crowded. Almost every 
corps had some one present to represent it ; even those corps 
who had left Delhi as a part of the movable column ; of those 
remaining within the city there were very many. 

Perhaps it would hardly be possible to conceive any thing 
more impressive than this assembly — a small but victorious 
force, assembled within the Imperial Palace of the ancient Mos- 
lem capital of Hindustan, lining the four sides of that marble 
hall wherein the King and his advisers had not long before 
been convened, plotting and determining evil against the Brit- 
ish cause. And now that the councils of evil men had been 
brought to naught, and every foul purpose of theirs completely 
frustrated, the triumphant army — the means which God had 
been pleased to employ in order to bring about these gracious 
ends — stood devoutly in the Divine presence — for where is not 
God ? — ascribing unto him praise, and saying glory and honor, 
power and dominion are thine. Never before did I realize so 



NARRATIVE OP THE SIEGE OP DELHI. 329 

fully and so vividly the character of some of those assemblies 
of Israel occasionally spoken of in the Old Testament : as, for 
instance, when Israel commemorated the nation's deliverance 
out of Egypt, and their safe passage through the Red Sea. 

My excellent colleague, the Eev. F. W. Ellis, who had en- 
deared himself to me by many an act of kindness since our first 
acquaintance and connection together in camp, read morning 
prayer, and I preached from those striking and instructive 
words written in the 12th verse of the 116th Psalm — " What 
shall 1 render unto the Lord, for all the benefits which he has 
done unto me ?" We should have liked to have celebrated the 
holy communion when the sermon had ended, but the recent 
harass of the troops denied us this privilege. 

On the evening of the following day, Monday the 28th of 
September, with permission of General Wilson, I started for 
Meerut, on a week's leave, to see my wife and children, after an 
absence of four as critical months as any ever passed by tho 
English in India. 

And now my story is ended ; though my connection with the 
" Delhi Field Force," as a field force, did not cease till the 15th 
January, 1858, when, by a resolution of the Commander-in- 
chief, it changed its name, and assumed the humbler style and 
designation of a garrison. Of this garrison I continue as yet 
chaplain, unable to return to my station and congregation at 
Meerut, because I continue unrelieved. 

28 



330 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 



ADVENTURES OF JUDGE EDWAEDS 

IN ROHILCUND, FUTTEHGHUR, AND OUDE. 

Shortly after the outbreak at Meerut the spirit of disorder 
hegan to show itself in the Budaon district of Rohiloimd over 
which I was magistrate and collector. Becoming alarmed for 
the safety of my wife and child, I dispatched them to a place of 
security — the station of Nynee Tal. This was in May — it is 
now almost August and I have heard nothing from them. 

As soon as the troubles commenced I doubled the police force 
of the district, containing a million inhabitants, and I the sole 
European officer in it. 

On the 25th of May I received notice that the Mohammedans 
of the town of Budaon were to rise and plunder the place. I 
at once summoned the most influential inhabitants of that per- 
suasion to meet me at my house. They immediately came, 
many of them very fierce and insolent, and all in a most ex- 
cited state. Soon after they were seated and I had commenced 
talking with them, I saw Wuzeer Singh, a Sikh peon, and one 
of my personal guards, come up quietly behind me, with my 
revolver in his belt and my gun in his hand, and station him- 
self immediately behind my chair. In the tumult and excite- 
ment, and where all were armed, his entrance was unnoticed, 
but his quiet and determined demeanor made me for the first 
time feel that he was a man I could depend on in any difficulty 
or danger. By degrees my visitors calmed down, and by lead- 
ing them into conversation, and reasoning with them, and, 
above all, playing off one party against another — knowing as I 



ADVENTURES OF JUDGE EDWARDS. 331 

did that a bitter animosity existed between several of them — I 
managed to occupy their attention till the time fixed for the 
rising had passed. 

On the 27th, to my great joy, my cousin, Alfred Phillips, 
magistrate of Etah, drew up, escorted by a dozen horsemen. 
He gave a deplorable account of the state of things in his dis- 
trict. Matters grew daily worse. On the 1st of June I heard 
that mutiny had broken out at Bareilly, and that the road up to 
within eight miles of Budaon was full of convicts. I awoke 
Phillips and gave him the news. He called for his horse and 
followers, and in ten minutes after dashed off at full gallop, in 
order to get to the ghauts across the Ganges before the convicts 
or mutineers could reach it and prevent his return to the scene 
of his duty, I most bitterly regret that I did not follow his 
example, and thus make my escape from Budaon, where I could 
do no good, and endeavor to reach the hills, which I then might 
have succeeded in doing. 

About 10 o'clock, A. M., I was joined by Mr. Donald and 
son, indigo planters in the district ; who, having had their lives 
threatened at their residence in Ooghannee, had come into the 
station for protection. Mr. Gibson, a patrol in the Customs 
Department — temporarily on duty in the interior of the district — 
also sought safety in my house ; as did Mr. Stewart, one of my 
clerks, with his wife and family. 

At noon I collected all my guests in the drawing-room, and 
we joined in hearty prayers to God for his mercy and protection 
in our desperate circumstances. I advised my friends to sepa- 
rate and fly — as for me, I must remain at my post as long as 
the semblance of order could be maintained. My entreaties 
were in vain. 

About 4 o'clock, P. M., the native officer of the Sepoy guard 
over the treasury, composed of one hundred men of the 68th 
Native Infantry, which corps had mutinied at Bareilly the pre- 
vious day, came to report all right. I took him aside, and 



332 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

inquired the real state of affairs. He denied, witli the most 
solemn oaths any person of his persuasion could take, all 
knowledge of the Bareilly mutiny ; a,sserting that no intimation 
had come to the guard from their comrades at Bareilly, and 
that, as long as Colonel Troup lived, he was confident the regi- 
ment would remain loyal. He then informed me that the guard 
were much alarmed in consequence of the excited state of the 
town, fearing they might be attacked by overwhelming numbers 
of budmashes, who would then sack the treasury, and he begged 
me earnestly to come down and join the guard, who would 
thereby be quite reassured. The man's earnest and respectful 
manner quite deceived me : I thought, if ever any one spoke 
truth it is this person. I at once, therefore, expressed my 
Avillingness to go, and told him to start, and I woidd follow 
presently. I then ordered my buggy, and was about stepping 
into it to drive off, when Wuzeer Singh came and implored me 
not to go, saying he knew these fellows well, and that they 
meant mischief. I took his advice, and sent off my buggy. 

I regard this incident with deep thankfulness, as one of the 
many marked interpositions of Almighty care in preserving my 
life, which have occurred within the past two months. Had I 
placed myself in the hands of the guard, they would at once 
have murdered me ; for I subsequently ascertained that a mes- 
senger from the regiment at Bareilly had reached the guard 
about four in the morning, to inform them of what had occurred 
there, and prepare them for the advance of a body of mutineers 
to Budaon in the evening. The guard waited for my expected 
arrival at the kutcherry for above an hour and a half, and then, 
finding that 1 was not coriiing, they would be restrained no 
longer, but broke out into open mutiny. A party of theni 
might easily have been sent to my house to seize and destroy 
me, but not a man would consent to leave the immediate neigh- 
borhood of the treasury, lest the plundering should commence 
in their absence, and they should lose their share of the spoil. 



ADVENTURES OF JUDGE EDWARDS. 333 

Their first act was to break open the gaol, distant about one 
hundred yards from the treasury, and release some three hun- 
dred prisoners who were confined within. A tumultuous noise 
and shouting about 6 o'clock, P. M., announced to me that the 
work of destruction had begun ; at the same moment informa- 
tion was brought me that the mutineers from Bareilly were en- 
tering the station, and that all my police had thrown away their 
badges and joined them. The released prisoners then came 
shouting and yelling close up to my house. I felt my work 
was then over ; that the ship had sunk under me, and that it 
was now time to try and provide for my own safety. My horse, 
a small gray Cabul galloway belonging to my wife and con- 
stantly ridden by her, on whose speed and endurance I knew I 
could depend, had been standing all day saddled ; I at once 
mounted him, and rode slowly away from the house, followed 
by the Messrs. Donald and Gibson. 

The town, then full of mutineers, lay between us and the 
road to Moradabad, by which I had hoped to escape to the 
hills ; I was, therefore, anxious to give the mutineers time to 
get to the treasury, which I knew would be their first point, 
and then endeavor to make a circuit round, and thus fall into 
the Moradabad road. "When I had gone some hundred yards 
from the house I was met by the chief of Shikooporah, a Mo- 
hammedan gentleman of family and influence, who used fre- 
quently to visit me. He dissuaded me from attempting to get 
round the town, as the roads were crowded with Sepoys and 
released convicts. He begged me to come and take refuge in 
his house, about three miles off, and in a different direction 
from that I had intended taking. This I readily consented to 
do, as I hoped that I could remain concealed with him till the 
mutineers had abandoned the station, when I would have re- 
turned, and endeavored to resume my duties and restore some 
degree of order. The sheikh, at the same time, said he would 
grant an asylum to me alone, but not to the others of my 



334 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

party. I, however, thought I might be able to induce him to 
abandon this resolution, and retain us all, and I therefore took 
no notice at the time. We then turned and accompanied the 
sheikh. We had to return past my house, and, though scarcely 
ten minutes had elapsed since leaving it, I found the work of 
plundering it had already commenced, and that my own chu- 
prassees were busily employed appropriating my property. 
The first man I saw was one of my own orderlies, and who 
had been a favorite of mine, with my dress-sword on him. 
Of course I was in no position to resent his conduct, or even 
notice it. 

I was now obliged to leave poor Mr. Stewart, my clerk, and 
his family. They were in sad distress ; for they had neglected 
my warning in the morning to effect their escape while it was 
possible, and now it was apparently too late : their only con- 
veyance being a buggy, which could proceed only by regular 
roads, and these were all blocked up by the mutineers and reb- 
els. There was nothing for them but to hide in the fields ; and 
all I could do for them, in my own desperate circumstances, 
was to consign them to the care of an influential man in the 
city, who had just come up to see how it fared with me. He 
promised to look after them, and I hope has done so ; what has 
become of them, however, I know not, but as they were East 
Indians, and nearly as dark as the natives, I trust they man- 
aged to escape and are now alive. 

My heart was indeed heavy in finally leaving that peaceful, 
happy home, where, for the past eighteen months, we had en- 
joyed much rational happiness and blessed tranquillity. When 
I look back to that time in my present circumstances of peril, 
it appears like the days of heaven upon the earth. One of my 
private servants, an Afghan, named Sooltan Mohammed Khan, 
accompanied me, and also Wuzeer Singh, who alone, of all 
the public establishment at Budaon, remained faithful to his 
salt. I had with me one change of clothes, which I intrusted 



ADVENTURES OF JUDGE EDWARDS. 335 

to my groom ; but he disappeared immediately, and I never 
saw him again, so I was reduced to those on my back. I took 
with me, also, a little Testament, and darling May's piirse, in- 
tended for my birthday presents, and which had just reached 
me from home ; these, and my watch and revolver, and one 
hundred and fifty rupees divided between Sooltan Mohammed 
and Wuzeer Singh, who carried them round their waist, Avere 
all the worldly goods I possessed ; and with them I went forth 
for the first time in my life, without a home or a roof to cover 
me, and, like the patriarch, not knowing whither I went. 

We waded the Yar Wuffadar river, which ran just below my 
house ; and, after about an hour's riding, reached Shikooporah, 
without Hotice or molestation. Scarcely had we dismounted 
from our horses, and entered the walled court, than one of the 
sheikh's brothers came up to me, and respectfully stated that it 
would be impossible for us to remain with safety there, as our 
numbers would certainly attract attention, and bring down 
upon us the mutineers ; we must, therefore, at once leave, and 
go on to a village of his, about eighteen miles distant, on the 
left bank of the Ganges. I was deeply mortified at this, 
and the consequent frustration of my hope of being able to lie 
close till the mutineers should decamp, and then return to the 
station. I, therefore, remonstrated strongly with the chief on 
his want of hospitality ; but he remained quite firm, assuring 
me that while he was quite ready to shelter me alone, he would 
not grant an asylum to my companions. As they would not 
leave me, and I would not desert them, there was nothing for 
it but to comply with the sheikh's wishes, and start for the vil- 
lage further on. Fortunately it was for me that I did so. 

I humbly regard this as another marked interposition of a 
merciful God to save my life ; for shortly after we left Shikoo- 
porah, a body of Irregular Horse, who had accompanied the 
infantry portion of the mutineers from Bareilly — an event 
wholly unexpected by me, as the corps to which they belonged 



336 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

was considered stanch and loyal — beat up my temporary 
hiding-place, and would have assuredly murdered me had they 
found me there, as they expected. 

KirssoKAH, 28th July. 

I resume my writing, but with a lighter heart ; for this morn- 
ing, blessed be God ! I have received tidings on which I can 
depend — the first since tbe 25th of May — of the safety of my 
beloved wife and child at Nynee Tal. Information was 
brought to me in the morning, by some of the people in this 
village — in which we are now living, under the protection of 
Hurdeo Buksh, an influential zemindar of Oude — that a stran- 
ger had arrived in the night, and was making inquiries for me* 
He was suspected to be a spy from the rebels at Futtehghur, or 
elsewhere, and his movements were being closely watched. I 
told my informant that I thought no harm could come of this 
man being brought before me. He was accordingly summoned, 
and turned out to be. a common Kahar, or palkee-bearer. I 
was in native dress, and he did not seem at first to recognize 
me ; but at last said, "You are the sahib I have often seen in 
kutcherry, at Budaon. I am a servant of Missur Byjenath's, 
the Bareilly banker, and he has sent me to ascertain if the re- 
port which had reached him that you were alive, and in hiding, 
is true, and to inform you — if I could find you — that the 'mem- 
sahib ' and the child are both well at Nynee Tal, and quite 
safe, and want for nothing, as my master has taken care to 
have them supplied with necessary funds." 0, what a load 
was lifted off my heart by the tidings ! 

This is the first messenger who has reached us from the outer 
world since the 13th of June. He informs me that poor Mr. 
Stewart, my clerk, and his family, are as yet safe, and in 
hiding near Budaon ; that Khan Bahadhur Khan is in power 
at Bareilly, and has assumed the Government of Rohilcund ; 
that poor Hay, Robertson, and Raikes were among those mas- 
sacred at Bareilly on the 31st of May, and_that he had himself 



ADVENTURES OF JUDGE EDWARDS. 337 

seen their dead bodies dragged through the city ; hut that sev- 
eral Europeans had escaped to Nynee Tal, among them the 
Commissioner Alexander, and Colonel Troup. 

The messenger, whose name was Khan Singh, had been ten 
days coming from Bareilly, owing to the immdations, the rains 
being peculiarly heavy — a most fortunate thing for us, as it 
prevents bands of mutineers and rebels wandering about the 
country. He informs ns that our troops are at Delhi, and all is 
going on well there ; that there is daily fighting, and that Agra 
and Meerut are still safe. Khan Singh wished at once to return 
to his master with the news respecting me, and I gave him a 
little letter, inclosed in a quill, for my wife, which he promised 
to convey safely to Nynee Tal. I have great hopes that he will 
be able to do so, as the piece of quill is not an inch long, and 
can be easily hidden in the mouth in case of challenge. He 
left us on his return in the evening. 

I must now resume the narrative of my proceedings on the 
night of 1st of June, after leaving Shikooporah. We were 
accompanied by one of the sheikhs, and traveled through by- 
ways and fields, leaving the high-road at some distance to our 
left, in case of pursuit. We passed through a number of vil- 
lages, literally swarming with men armed with swords, and 
iron-bound lathees. They were silent and not disrespectful, 
seeing us accompanied by the sheikh, whose tenantry they all 
were. He was, however, obliged to take the precaution to send 
men ahead to each village as we approached it, to prepare the 
people for our coming, and prevent any attack upon us. As 
we traveled on I looked back and saw a bright gleam of light 
in the sky, which I knew full well was from the burning bun- 
galows in poor Budaon ; all the property I possessed adding to 
the blaze. 

We reached our destination about 12 o'clock, P. M. It was 

a miserable village called Kukorah, but containing one better 

sort of house, in which the sheikh resided when he visited the 

29 



338 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

place on business. We were sent up to the roof of this house, 
to pass the night ; and there commenced my sleeping in the 
open air, which, with one or two exceptions, I have been forced 
to do ever since. Before going to rest we all joined in prayer, 
thanking God for having so mercifully preserved us hitherto, 
and commending ourselves to his merciful protection for the 
future. Although weary and worn-out with the events of the past 
twenty-four hours, I scarcely closed an eye. About 4 o'clock, 
A. M., we were awoke by order of the sheikh, who recommended, 
indeed insisted, on our at once crossing the Ganges, to a place 
called Kadirchonk in the Etah district, where we would be, he 
declared, quite safe ; which we could not hope to be muck 
longer in his village, as the Irregular Cavalry would soon be 
on our track. I consented, thinking that by joining Phillips and 
Bramley at Puttealee, I might get aid from them,, and return to 
Budaon, to attempt to restore order. I was, however, doomed 
to bitter disappointment, as the sequel will show. 

We took leave of the sheikh about 5 o'clock, A. M., and rode 
to the bank of the Ganges, where we found a boat and crossed 
to the opposite side. The right bank was lined with a large 
concourse of people, assembled to attack and plunder some 
neighboring village. The crowd hailed us, and fired two or 
three shots at the boat, as we went down the center of the stream ; 
but the balls never came near us, and did no harm. We landed 
unmolested about a mile below this mob, and rode on to Kadir 
Chouk, a ruinous old fort, about two miles inland. The owner, 
a Mohammedan gentleman of some influence, received us very 
kindly, and assigned us a room, where we were sheltered from 
the heat, by this time become intense. His retainers, fully 
armed, were all assembled about the premises for the protection 
of the place, as a large body of marauders were assembled in 
the neighborhood — others than these we saw on the river 
bank — and threatening an attack. At this time, as far as I 
could judge, this man was very well affected toward our Gov- 



ADVENTURES OF JUDGE EDWARDS. 339 

ernment, and was in high, spirits ; information having just 
reached him, that Phillips, who was at Puttealee, only eight 
miles oif, had been joined hj Bramley, with a large body of 
horse, and that they would at once commence restoring order in 
the district. This was most cheering news for me. I sent off 
a messenger at once to Phillips, informing him of the Budaon 
disaster, and saying we would join him in the evening. About 
5 o'clock, P. M., a reply was brought, and disheartening enough 
it was ; saying that Bramley had only brought a few horsemen 
with him, and recommending me to join them immediately, as 
it was their intention to make at once for Agra. We thought 
it as well not to communicate this news to our host, and we 
left him immediately ; reaching Puttealee about seven. 

STAKTING OFF. 

I found Bramley and Phillips in low spirits — no wonder, for 
they had just heard of mutiny among the troops sent from 
Lucknow to their aid. We remained for two or three days very 
anxious, with these fellows all about us. On the evening of 
the 5th Phillips got a note saying that the mutineers, to the 
number of 200, would attack us the next morning. As soon 
as the moon rose — at 10 o'clock, P. M. — we started for Agra. 
Before starting I dispatched a note to my wife. Marched all 
night without interruption ; in the forenoon came near a mu- 
tinous body of troops, and changed our course to avoid them. 
Marched all day, and were at night exhausted by the toil, dust, 
and terrific heat. 

An old soldier, a pensioner of our Government, who had 
served in Afghanistan, greatly commiserated our position, and 
in answer to our request for water, brought us milk and chu- 
patties, which were most acceptable in our fainting state. We 
rested here for an horn*, and on going away I offered the old ■ 
man a little money in return for his hospitality. He flatly re- 
fused to receive it, saying, with apparently real sorrow, "You 



340 HEROES OE THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

are in far greater need than I am now, who have a home, 
whereas you are wanderers in the jungles ; hut if ever your raj 
is restored, rememher me, and the little service I have been able 
to render you." 

Got to Puttealee at night. Bramley and Phillips determined 
to halt a day and try to reach Agra next day. I determined to 
go back to Budaon, and push my way to the hills through that 
district. The two Donalds and Mr. Gibson were of my party. 

We reached Kadir Gunge at 4 o'clock in the afternoon of 
next day, and were received very coldly. Here we heard that 
mutineers were thick around us, and our host declared that we 
must leave. 

There was no help for it, so we mounted and rode off; but 
on reaching the Ganges we found that the boat provided for us 
was too small to contain any one of our horses, and that we, 
therefore, could not cross. We in vain endeavored to get an- 
other ; and much depressed, were at last forced to betake our- 
selves again to the zemindar. He was very rude on our arrival, 
but was at length pacified. He strongly urged us to abandon all 
thoughts of crossing the river into Budaon, and to go on to 
Furruckabad ; which place was sixty miles off, the road pretty 
clear, and the station still safe. He told us the reason why he 
felt certain that no mutiny had occurred there as yet was, that 
several of his people were prisoners in the gaol at that place, 
and had it been broken open, they would surely have come 
back to their homes in this village ere that time. 

We were perfectly helpless, and determined to follow his 
advice. Doing so has brought me indeed to this place of 
misery ; but had I crossed into Budaon what might not have 
been my fate ? The zemindar gave us two foot-men for guides. 
At midnight the guide in front of us made a sign to us to halt. 
We did so, and he pointed out to us some 300 men lying on 
the ground as if asleep. All at once they rose up as one man 
and came toward us. It was no use attempting to fly, for we 



ADVENTURES OF JUDGE EDWARDS. 341 

slioulcl then have lost our guides, as we were mounted and they 
were on foot ; so we stood fast. I told the guide to go for- 
ward to meet them, and explain who we were. He was a sharp 
fellow, for I heard him immediately saying we were " Sahibs," 
going to meet and bring back some troops who were coming up 
from Furruckabad to restore order. The villagers seemed quite 
satisfied with this information, and let us pass. They were 
lying out about a mile from their village, as an advanced picket, 
in expectation of an attack, by one of those " Pukars " I have 
already spoken of, with which they were threatened. They 
were much pleased to hear that there was a prospect of order 
being restored by troops, and it was not for us to undeceive 
them. After leaving them we passed through the village, which 
was full of men ; but they never noticed or stopped us, as we 
had been allowed to pass through their pickets. 

About 2 o'clock, A.M., the guides left us, having put us in 
the straight road to Futtehghur, and we traveled on by our- 
selves. Just as the morning dawned, we were much surprised 
to see an encampment about a mile to the right of the road ; 
apparently of a considerable body of men, from the number of 
tents, and their being disposed in regular lines. There were, 
however, no sentries, nor any signs of life, and we passed un- 
challenged. After traveling the entii-e night, with only one halt 
of ten minutes to water the horses, we arrived about 8 A. M. at 
a considerable Puthan village called Kaim Gunj, where there 
was a government tehseeldaree. 

We rode into the inclosure and summoned the tehseeldar, 
who appeared after a considerable delay ; he was a frail old 
man, but, as we afterward discovered, with a noble heart ; for, 
under Providence, he was the chief instrument in saving our 
lives at this place. By the time he came a considerable crowd 
had assembled round us, and the tehseeldar seemed anxious to 
get us to leave the tehseeldaree and go with him to the residence 
of Yar Nawab "Ahmed Zur Khan," a native gentleman of 



342 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

influence, and the chief proprietor in the place ; who, he said, 
would be happy to receive us, and who could protect us, as his 
house was situated within a walled garden. We accordingly 
removed to this place, distant about a mile from the tehseeldaree, 
and were at once led into the garden, and told to remain there 
till the Nawab could himself receive us. We sat down under 
the shade of the trees ; for the heat was by this time intense. 
Presently the Nawab's brother, attended by three followers, all 
armed with double-barreled guns, came to look at us. He was 
quite intoxicated with opium, and very insolent and excited in 
his manner. He questioned us as to who we were, and on my 
telling him that I was the collector of Budaon, and that the 
others were indigo planters and a Customs patrol, he turned to 
me and said, "You I know, and will protect you, as you are a 
Government officer ; as for these fellows, I know nothing of 
them, and will have nothing to do with them." I thought it 
highly probable, that, infuriated as he was with drugs, he might 
shoot down my companions at once, and they themselves quite 
expected he would fire on them. Fortunately, however, at this 
juncture the Nawab himself appeared, and the brother was at 
once taken away. 

The Nawab was kind and polite in his demeanor, but seemed 
most reluctant to allow us to enter his house. After much 
demur he admitted us, on my representing that we were greatly 
fatigued, and suffering much from the heat of the sun, as the 
trees afforded us no sufficient shelter. I told him we had no 
wish to remain with him, but were most desirous to press on 
to Futtehghui', and hoped he would get us a boat to take our- 
selves and horses down the river to that place. He professed 
his readiness to help us, and sent off a messenger to the Nawab 
Doollah, a relation of his — living at a place about eight miles 
oif near the Ganges, called Shumshabad — who we were assured 
Avould order a boat to be in readiness for us by the afternoon. 
We were then conducted to the top of the house, and some food 



ADVENTURES OF JUDGE EDWARDS. 343 

given to us. My two servants were not allowed to accompany 
us, but remained with the horses in the conrt-yard below. 

As we were eating our breakfast, a messenger came in 
and whispered something to the Nawab, who was sitting with 
us. The communication produced an immediate change in his 
demeanor ; he rose, saying we must at once start for Shum- 
shabad, where the Nawab Doollah would receive us, and that 
he would himself furnish us with an escort of five horsemen, 
under the orders of one of his relatives, by name Multan Khan ; 
a fine, powerful Pathan between forty and fifty years of age, 
who was also sitting with us. Before taking leave of him, the 
Nawab required me to give him a certificate that he had treated 
us well and given us an escort. This demand is almost in- 
variably a prelude to treachery, as persons to whom such docu- 
ments are granted always consider their possession must clear 
them from all blame, whatever may happen to the granters. 
I was of course forced to give the certificate. As we rode out 
of the gateway, Multan Khan whispered to me, "It is as well 
for us to go across the fields, and avoid all villages :" and he at 
once struck off at a rapid gallop. 

After riding for about four miles, we halted, to allow the 
riding camels, on which Mr. Gibson and Wuzeer Singh were 
mounted, to come up ; they, with Mr. Donald, senior, who was 
on horseback, having fallen considerably behind. On riding 
up, Mr. Donald said to me, " I have heard something which 
will make your blood curdle. Wuzeer Singh informs me he 
overheard the Nawab's people and our escort, before leaving 
Kaieem Gunge, say that we were all to be killed as soon as we 
embarked on the boat." I rode up to Mr. Gibson's camel, and 
questioned Wuzeer Singh, who assured me that he believed, 
from what he had heard, it was their deliberate intention to 
murder us all. Of course I was much shocked ; but what 
could we do ? I merely said, in reply to Mr, Donald, that we 
were helpless, and must now go on with our escort, showing 



344 HEROES OP THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

no doubt of their fidelity, and trust in God to protect us. 
After halting about ten minutes, we again set off at a gallop, 
Multan Khan leading, and shortly after arrived at the Nawab 
Doollah's. There we were received with great civility by the 
Nawab's head man, a Hindoo, who was sitting transacting 
business in an ojpen veranda, surrounded by a number of 
people. 

Several messages immediately passed between the Nawab 
and this official, who at last went to speak to his master, in 
the interior of the house. I took the opportunity to send him 
my compliments, hoping that he was well, and would see and 
assist us in j)rocuring a boat to take us to Fettehghur. The 
man soon returned, saying the Nawab would not see us — which 
I thought a very bad sign — but that we should have a boat as 
soon as it could be prepared. He then recommended my send- 
ing intimation of our coming to the kotwal of Futtehghur, and 
he wrote a purwannah, or order, for me to sign, and I pulled off 
my signet ring to seal it. Some of the party asked to be al- 
lowed to look at the ring, which was handed round the cir- 
cle, duly inspected, and civilly returned to me. It required a 
great effort to maintain a composed and cheerful demeanor all 
this time ; but we contrived to do so, and to converse with 
those present. After sitting about an hour, we were invited 
to adjourn to a bungalow of the Nawab's, built and furnished 
in the European style, to have some refreshment before starting 
in the boat. The Hindoo Kardar, Multan Khan, and our es- 
cort, accompanied us to this bungalow, and sat down with us. 
I ate, fortunately for me, some hard eggs, which sustained me 
well during the next eighteen hours. 

I was about to lie down, and try to get some rest, for I was 
sorely fatigued, when my suspicions were aroused by Multan 
Khan coming up and saying, "I pity you from my heart." I 
asked him why. He was explaining that no boat had been 
prepared for us, and that we could never hope to reach Futteh- 



ADVENTURES OF JUDGE EDWAEDS. 345 

ghnr alive, from the state of the villages and roads ; when Mr. 
Donald, junior, who was standing at the window, called out to 
me, in mirch alarm, that there was a crowd of armed men col- 
lecting round the house, and pouring into the compound. 
The Kardar, almost at the same moment, came up to me, say- 
ing, " You must all leave this place at once ; you will be all 
killed if you remain any longer. Return whence you came, 
and stick to the sowars who accompanied you from Kaieem 
Gunj." Oxir horses were immediately ordered, and we 
mounted. As I rode out of the inclosure, I looked round 
for my two servants, hut the crowd was by this time so great 
that I could not see them. My second horse, ridden up to this 
time by my Afghan servant, was standing at the door, and we 
begged Mr. Gibson to mount him ; but he, being an indifferent 
horseman, declined, and then got on his camel. Up to this 
time the crowd did not meddle with us, and opened a way for 
us to pass through. 

Mr. Donald, junior, and I were riding in front, accompanied 
by Multan Khan, and had advanced about two hundred yards 
from the house, Avhen we observed a body of horsemen drawn 
up across the road, in a grove immediatel}'- in our front, and 
waiting for us. Multan Khan pulled up his horse, and bade us 
at once return to the house as the only chance of saving our 
lives ; for he said that neither himself nor any of his men 
would advance with us another yard. It was out of the ques- 
tion to attempt to get through this body by our four selves, and 
so we turned back to the house. 

I was some way in fi-ont, and riding along by the wall of 
the inclosure in which the house was situated, and not far from 
the gate, when the mob opened fire upon us, with savage shouts 
and yells. How I escaped I know not, for the bullets were 
rapping into the wall all about me ; but my horse, becoming 
very restive under the fire, plunged so much that they could 
neither hit him nor myself. Turning round to see what was 



346 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

going on behind me, I saw Mr. Donald, senior, wittont his 
hat, trying to get out of the crowd, and a number of men 
rushing in upon Mr. Gibson, and striking at him with swords 
and sticks. 

I now noticed Multan Khan and our escort galloping off, 
leaving us to our fate. My only chance was to attempt to 
rejoin them ; so I called out to Mr. Donald, senior, to follow 
me, and, drawing my revolver, put my horse right at the crowd 
as hard as I could go. They opened for me right and left, and 
I passed close to poor Mr. Gibson ; I shall never forget his 
look of agony, as he was ineffectually trying to defend himself 
from the ruffians who were swarming around him. I could 
render him no aid, and was only enabled to save myself 
through the activity and strength of my horse. Once or twice 
I was on the point of shooting some of the fellows, but re- 
frained, thinking that threatening them with my pistol was 
more likely to deter them, as when once a barrel was discharged 
they might close in upon me, fancying that I could no longer 
hurt them. 

I soon got clear of the mob, and joined Multan Khan and 
the escort, who had by this time halted, Mr. Donald, senior, 
followed me almost immediately ; his horse was severely 
wounded by a matchlock-ball in the near hind leg, but he was 
himself untouched. His son also rode up soon after : he had 
escaped unwounded, by riding through the town, and jumping 
his horse over a ravine, where the fellows could not follow him. 
A man also joined us mounted on my second horse, a difficult 
animal to manage ; he threw his rider almost immediately, then 
bolted, and was, as I imagined, lost. 

Multan Khan and the others seemed by no means pleased 
that we had escaped, and were very threatening in their de- 
meanor. I rode up to the former, and putting my hand on his 
shoulder, said to him, "Have you a family and little chil- 
dren?" He answered bv a nod. "And are they not 



ADVENTURES OF JUDGE EDWARDS. 347 

dependent on you for their bread ?" I asked. He replied, " Yes." 
"Well," I said, "so liave I, and I am confident yon are not 
the man to take my life and destroy their means of support." 
He looked at me for a moment, and then said, " I will save 
your life if I can ; follow me." He immediately turned and 
set off at a gallop, and we followed him. 

One of the sowars, a scoundrel belonging to the Mehidpore 
Contingent, and mounted on a poor horse, rode along side of 
me, and said, " Give me your horse ; mine is good enough for 
you." I put him off by some civil answer ; but he was much 
enraged at my refusal, and remonstrated with Multan Khan for 
not at once murdering us. Finding he could not persuade him 
or the other sowars to attack us, he struck off to a village 
through which we were to pass, in order to raise the villagers 
to intercept and murder us. This caused Multan Khan to take 
a long circuit through the fields to avoid the village. 

We reached Kaieem Gunj about 4 P. M., and were at once 
told to ascend to the roof of the house and show ourselves to no 
one. We were almost immediately informed that poor Mr. 
Gibson, who had been with us a few hours before, had been cut 
in pieces by the mob. The Nawab visited us soon after our 
arrival, and seemed heartily sorry for what had occurred ; at- 
tributing the attack make upon us, and very justly, to the 
treachery of the Nawab " Doollah " of Shumshabad. He then 
plainly told us, that he could afford us no protection ; that the 
people believed that we were covered with rings and jewels, and 
that the very children would tear us in pieces, if they saw us, 
to plunder us. I told him that we had nothing with us. But 
he said the story that I had produced my signet ring to seal the 
purwannah at Shumshabad had got about, and they believed 
we were covered with jewels, and that nothing would persuade 
them to the contrary. He said he could only consent to keep 
us in his house till nightfall, when we must quit it. I told him 
I would try and return by the way I had come, to my own dis- 



348 HEROES OF THE INDIAN" REBELLION. 

trict, where I thought friends would protect me. The IS^awab 
said this Avas imjDOSsible, as I shouki he cut to pieces within the 
first mile. 

I then said that we would try and make for Futtehghur. The 
Naw^ah allowed this was our best plan, hut he at the same time 
declared his inability to get a guide to conduct us ; alleging as 
the reason, that news had been received of the total destruction 
of our army before Delhi, and the death of the Commander-in- 
chief, who had poisoned himself, though Ave gave out that he 
had died of cholera. I represented that without a guide we 
must perish by the way; but he was immovable, saying he 
could not help us, for no one would consent to aid or conduct 
us. Mr. Donald, senior's, horse was reported quite unable to 
move, from his wound, and it was quite necessary to supply 
his place. After much trouble, the Nawab procured for him in 
the bazar, for fifty rupees, a miserable pony, quite unsuitable 
for so heavy a man to travel with at any pace. 

After the Nawab left us we all three joined in prayer, thank- 
ing God for our preservation in the midst of such great danger, 
and entreating him mercifully to open a door of escape for us, 
or, if not, to prepare us for himself. I then sent for the old 
tehseeldar, who had befriended us in the morning, and, on his 
coming, pointed out to him the hopelessness of our ever reach- 
ing Futtehghur if we had to keep t-o the main road and pass 
through the villages, and that, therefore, we must have a guide 
to lead us through by-paths and fields. I begged him earnestly 
to go to the Nawab and try and induce him to give us at least 
one horseman as a guide. He consented to go, but expressed 
himself very hopeless of a favorable result ; saying, if he suc- 
ceeded he Avould come back again, but if he failed he Avould not 
return, as it would be only painful for him to part from us 
again. I then took off my watch and ring, as I had little or 
no hope of surviving, and made them over to him, to give to 



ADVENTURES OF JUDGE EDWARDS. 349 

the first European officer he might meet, for conveyance to my 
family ; he then left me. 

My two poor companions had heen fast asleep during this 
conference, and I now lay down myself, and fell into a light 
slumber, in which I continued for about an hour ; when I was 
awoke by the voice of the Nawab, saying, " He is asleep ; do n't 
let us rouse him: he is in need of rest." With inexpressible 
delight, I then heard the old lame tehseeldar shuffling up and 
saying, " It is never too soon to waken up a man if you have 
good news for him." I started up and called them both in, 
when the Nawab told me he had prevailed on two trusty men, 
connections of his own, to convey us safely to Futtehghur, and 
that we must start in two hours thereafter. He also gave me 
the satisfactory intelligence that my second horse had been re- 
covered, and was in the stable, and of course available for Mr. 
Donald, senior. 

He and the tehseeldar then left me, enjoining me to lie down 
and sleep, and promising to come back soon, with native 
clothes in which to disguise us. They returned at the appointed 
time, accompanied by our friend Multan Khan. I then roiised 
up my companions, and we were dressed in the Nawab's clothes ; 
every article of our own dress, down to our boots, being burnt 
in our presence, to destroy all traces of us in the house. I only 
contrived to save my Testament and my darling May's purse ; 
from which, however, I had to cut off the silver rings and tas- 
sels, lest they should attract notice. I put these, with my ring 
and watch, which the old tehseeldar returned to me, in my 
waist-belt. The Testament I have still with me, and it has 
been my solace in many an hour of anguish and peril ; but 
alas ! the purse I dropped on the road and never saw again. I 
weep now when I think of that loss, and am not ashamed to 
say so ; for sorrow and anxiety, such as ours, make the heart 
very ready to overflow at any remembrance of those we love, 
and whom it is probable we may never again meet in this life. 



350 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

When all were ready, and our turbans, the most difficult 
part of our costume to arrange, put on, we descended to the 
court- yard and there found our horses and the two guides ready. 
I mounted, but found to my dismay that my own saddle — an 
excellent Wilkinson and Kidd — had been removed, and re- 
placed by a miserable article without any stuffing, which I 
feared might seriously injure my horse's back and render him 
unserviceable. A glance at one of the guides, a fine, tall man, 
mounted on a good-looking bay mare, showed me that he had 
appropriated it ; but it was no time for remark, far less re- 
monstrance. The Nawab dismissed us very kindly, saying to 
me, " You make a very good Pathan in this dress ; but mind, 
never venture to speak, or you will be at once discovered ; the 
other two may speak, for they are country born, and have the 
native accent." 

We rode slowly, and in profound silence, through the town 
of Kaieem Grunj, in which no one was stirring. Immediately 
on getting beyond it, the guide on the bay mare set off at a 
gallop, and led us through fields and through by-lanes for sev- 
eral miles without a halt. We had not proceeded very far 
when my little horse, who, notwithstanding my having scarcely 
been off his back for the past week, was pulling hard, ran me 
under the branch of a tree, and knocked off the turban which 
had been arranged with so much care. I was hopeless of being 
able to put it on again, as none but a native can do this, and 
that only after the education of years ; but happily I caught 
one end of it as it fell to the ground, and, tying a knot in 
my curb rein and taking it in my teeth, managed to 
guide my horse, while I contrived to replace my turban ; 
though not in a way to escape detection, had we been stopped 
and examined. 

After going about eight miles we halted to breathe our horses, 
and I took the opportunity of having some talk with our guide. 
He turned out to be a trooper of Cox's troop of Horse Artil- 



ADVENTURES OF JUDGE EDWARDS. 851 

leiy, on leave at his home in Kaieem Gunj. He assured me 
that six thousand rupees would not have induced him to guide 
us, or give us any aid, had it not been for the earnest solicita- 
tions of his near relation the Nawab, to which he at last yielded. 
He was a splendid horseman, and had many a fight with the 
mare, a most vicious brute ; Avhich I watched with intense and 
breathless interest, as on the result my safety mainly depended. 
For the first few miles she went on without a check, but after- 
ward, and when it was highly important for us to go at speed, 
the brute would suddenly stop, rear and plunge, and do every 
thing to get rid of her rider ; but it was of no use. He stuck 
to the saddle as if he was glued to it, and at last he would 
force her on. 

After riding about two hours, we approached two villages 
close to each other, and between which we had to pass. The 
one on the right was in flames, and surrounded by a band of 
marauders, who were busily engaged in plundering it. As we 
came on at full iSpeed, the fellows caught sight of us, when 
within about a mile of the village. They raised a tremendous 
shout, and commenced rushing to a point where they hoped to 
be able to cut us off. Then we did ride for our lives ; our guide 
leading us with admirable decision and sagacity. It was a 
most exciting race for about fifteen minutes. The shouts and 
yells of these miscreants, and the noise of the flaming villages, 
excited our horses to such a degree that they needed no urging 
to do their best. Both mine behaved nobly ; Jan Bay carry- 
ing his fourteen-stone rider as if he was a feather, and my own 
little Cabulee tearing along and clearing every obstacle as if he 
enjoyed the fun. 

The excitement was so great that I quite forgot the danger 
for the moment, although for some time it was doubtful whether- 
we could clear the mob or not : we just succeeded in doing so, . 
with about two hundred yards to spare ; and I shall never forget 
the yell of rage the fellows raised when they saw they had missed 



352 HEROES OP THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

their prey. Happily they had no firearms, and we were there- 
fore quite safe from them, after we had once got beyond them. 
Had Donald been mounted on the miserable pony he purchased, 
instead of my horse, we must all have perished ; as he never 
could have gone the pace, and we, of course, could not have 
deserted him : we must all have been cut to pieces. The re- 
covery of my horse, and his being available for Donald to 
mount, when I thought him lost forever, was but one of 
the many instances of God's merciful interference on our 
behalf to preserve our lives which I have thankfully to ac- 
knowledge. 

About 4 o'clock, A. M., as the morning dawned, we neared 
Furrukabad, having ridden about twenty-four miles. Our guide 
pulled up at a Fakir's hut for a drink of water, asking at the 
same time the news. In the gray morning light the Fakir 
did not recognize us as Europeans, and told our conductor that 
all was as yet quiet in Furrukabad, the regiment still stand- 
ing ; that the station had been deserted by the Europeans, but 
the collector. Sahib Probyn, was still at his post ; and that the 
previous day a portion of the regiment had put down a serious 
mutiny in the gaol, killing many prisoners' who were trying to 
make their escape. We were much comforted by this intelli- 
gence, and rode on with our guard to the public serai, in the 
town, where we dismounted without attracting any notice, and 
walked our own horses about, native fashion, to cool them. 
Our guide then left us, and went to the kotwallee for news, 
but soon returned, bringing a chuprassee with him to conduct 
us to the Collector's house. We remounted, our guides con- 
tinuing with us for a short way : suddenly they left us, and I 
have never seen or heard of them since. Right well did they do 
their duty to us ; and I will do my best to requite them, if my 
life is spared through these troubles. 

We reached Probyn's house about 8 o'clock, A. M., and as 
we entered, and received his hearty welcome, none of us could 



ADVENTURES OF JUDGE EDWARDS. 353 

speak, from emotion ; it took us some minutes ere we could ex- 
plain to him where we had come, and what had occurred to us 
hy the way. 

AT FUTTEHGHUR. 

The condition of things at Futtehghur was not cheering. 
One regiment of the garrison had mutinied, but had temporarily 
returned to its duty. The European residents, excepting the 
officers, had left. Probyn's wife and children were at a fort in 
Oude belonging to a zemindar who had offered to protect them. 
The name of the place was Dhurumpore — the man's,. Hurdeo 
Buksh. The next day we joined the company at this place, in 
such uncomfortable circumstances that they determined to re- 
turn to Futtehghur. Probyn remonstrated, and his family and 
myself remained. 

Soon the troops at Futtehghur mutinied, but the Europeans 
escaped a massacre. Our host wished us to leave his fort and 
take up quarters with a relative of his in a little hamlet three 
miles off. The chief gave us his word to protect us, and we 
left him. 

The news from Futtehghur was bad. The Europeans were in 
imminent danger of death, and clung, like drowning men, to 
straws. 

It is impossible to describe the state of mind we were in. 
Suddenly we were aroused from a kind of silent stupor, into 
which we had fallen, by the renewed and quick and irregular 
firing of heavy guns ; the sound coming from another quarter 
than hitherto, and further down the river than Futtehghur. We 
were listening attentively to every shot, pacing up and down 
the narrow space allotted to us, and not daring to exchange a 
word with each other, when a messenger came in from Hurdeo 
Buksh. 

This man had been sent to the bank of the Ganges as soon 

as the firing ceased, in the early morning, to ascertain the 

30 



354 HEKOES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

cause, and having delivered the intelligence he had gathered to 
his master, had been sent on to tell ns the news. Disastroiis 
enough it was : during the night the Europeans had evacuated 
the fort and betaken themselves to three boats, which had been 
secured before the siege and anchored under the river in face of 
the fort, ready for embarkation if required. They had, of 
course, hoped to be able to float down the stream unnoticed, 
and to be, before the morning broke, beyond the reach of the 
Sepoys' fire. Much time, however, had been lost in getting the 
women and children into these boats, together with the baggage, 
ammunition, and stores ; so that they had only got a short way 
down the river when day dawned, and they were observed. As 
soon as they saw they were perceived and the alarm given, the 
boats made for our side of the river, and were dropping down 
the stream when the heaviest laden grounded about three miles 
below Futtehghur, and remained immovably fixed, notwith- 
standing all the efforts of the male portion of those on board, 
who got into the stream, to lighten and shove her off. It then 
became necessary to abandon this boat, and to summon back 
the nearest ; which was obliged to work up stream, in order to 
take the passengers on board. 

It was while engaged in transferring the unhappy people from 
the one to the other, that the Sepoys, having dragged four heavy 
guns along the river bank opposite the boats, had opened on 
them. This was the fire which was now going on ; and, as we 
feared, with inevitable fatal effect to all. 

The messenger had left as the firing was being continued, 
and while the second boat, having taken on board its passen- 
gers, was endeavoring to drop down the stream. The only 
consolation he gave us was, that the boats were out of grape 
range, and that the firing being high, many of the balls had 
passed over the fugitives, and buried themselves in the sand on 
this bank of the river. We begged of him to go oiF for more 
tidings ; which we awaited with anxiety far too deep and terri- 



ADVENTUKES OF JUDGE EDWARDS. 355 

ble to be described. Men were every now and then rushing in 
with vague reports. At one time the boats were said to have 
sunk ; at another, they were reported floating down the stream 
unharmed, and beyond the range of the Sepoys* guns. This, 
we hoped, was true, as the firing had gradually slackened, and 
then ceased for several hours. 

About four o'clock in the afternoon, however, we were again 
aroused by the firing of heavy guns, apparently from a good 
way down the river, which lasted for about an hour. We re- 
mained in a state of the most painful suspense ; but only the 
most conflicting rumors reached us, till late at night, when a 
hoi'seman, dispatched to the river by Hurdeo Buksh, returned 
with the awful intelligence that of the two boats which had 
succeeded in escaping from Futtehghur, cue had grounded near 
the village of Singerampore, and remained immovable, not- 
withstanding every effort to float her ; the Sepoys, who had 
been watching her movements from the bank, had dragged 
down two guns opposite this boat and opened fire upon her. 
Two boats full of Sepoys came also down the stream, and as 
soon as they were within range opened a heavy fire of musketiy 
on the unfortunate party ; and when they had approached close 
enough, commenced boarding, under the cover of this fire. 

There was no help left. Of those in the boat, the greater 
number jumped into the Ganges, and escaped a worse fate by 
being either shot down or drowned ; some were massacred on 
board, and three or four ladies were taken prisoners and con- 
veyed on shore. The other boat, which was considerably in 
advance, although attacked at Singerampore, had contrived to 
escape, and was reported to have got safely away. It is said 
to have contained the Lowises and Thornhills. May God grant 
that the rumors which now reach us of its having safely reached 
Allahabad may be true ! 

This intelligence was too terrible for us to believe ; and yet it 
was impossible entirely to discredit it. We trusted that in the 



356 HEROES OP THE INDIAN EBBELLION. 

morning better news might reach us. In the mean time we 
passed a miserable night, silent and dejected ; alternately sitting 
down, and rising up and pacing to and fro the small space of 
the inclosure. Earnestly and repeatedly did we three join in 
prayer, that God, in his infinite mercy, would shield and pro- 
tect his poor people, "who were called by his name," and save 
them out of the hands of the enemy, and conduct them to some 
haven of safety. 

The next morning the tidings of the previous day were con- 
firmed. Of those who were in the last boat, none had escaped, 

except three of the ladies — Mrs. Fitzgerald, Miss , and Mrs. 

Jones, with her little daughter of eight or nine years old — who 
had all been taken to Furrukabad, and made over to the 
Nawab : also one man, described to us as a sergeant, who had 
come ashore, desperately wounded, close to one of Hurdeo 
Buksh's villages, and had been immediately sheltered and cared 
for by his orders. This person we afterward discovered was 
Major Robertson. All was now silent : the work of slaughter 
was over, and no more firing was heard. We were, therefore, 
left to brood over our own position, which now became one of 
extreme peril. 

The Sepoys of the 41st, the " Dubyes," as they were called, 
were now disengaged ; and the Nawab, acting on information 
as to our place of hiding, was reported to be about sending over 
a detachment to seize us. He sent messengers across to Hurdeo 
Buksh, informing him that the English rule was at an end ; that 
he had killed all belonging to that nation, who had been sta- 
tioned in Futtehghur, and demanded from him an advance of a 
lac of rupees — £10,000 — as his contribution toward the ex- 
penses of the new raj. The Nawab, however, intimated at the 
same time to Hurdeo Buksh, that he was prepared to waive this 
demand, provided he would send him in by the evening the 
two Collectors' heads — Probyn's and my own. The intelli- 
gence of this demand having been made was soon conveyed to 



ADVENTURES OF JUDGE EDWARDS. 357 

lis, and we were told that Hurdeo Buksb had thought it best to 
temporize. He had, therefore, replied to the Nawab that he 
would think about the matter, and send an answer afterward. 
We felt pretty confident that Hurdeo Buksh would not give us 
up ; but we thought it best to do what we could for our own 
safety, and to encourage him to oppose the Nawab. We, 
therefore, begged of him to pay us a visit, as we were pro- 
hibited from going to see him at Dhurumpore. 

After several days' delay, during which we were tortured by 
frequent reports of detachments of troops from Futtehghur 
being in full march on Kussowrah to seize us — which they 
might easily have done, had they been at all enterprising — 
Hurdeo Buksh visited us late at night. He was evidently in 
much anxiety, about the safety of himself and his family, which 
was seriously compromised in consequence of his having har- 
bored us. He told us, that besides the communication already 
alluded to, he had received sundry other messages from the 
Nawab and the two subahdars in command of the mutineers, 
threatening, if he did not give us up, to take very complete re- 
venge upon himself and his people. 

He gave us at the same time a very deplorable account of 
affairs around us, saying that Nana Sahib had assumed com- 
mand of the mutineers at Cawnpore, where the English had 
been so completely destroyed that not a dog remained in the 
cantonment ; that Agra was besieged ; that our troops at Delhi 
had been beaten back, and were in a state of siege on the top of 
a hill near thei-e ; that the troops in Oude had also mutinied, 
and Lucknow was closely invested. 

He, however, assured ns that he would never give us up to 
the Nawab ; but, with his people, do his best to oppose any 
force which might be sent against Dhixrumpore from Furruka- 
bad, for the purpose of seizing us ; at the same time he said he 
thought his wisest course was to temporize. He had, therefore, 
sent a confidential agent to the Nawab to say that " he was 



358 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

witli him, but as he had always, till the annexation of Oude, 
been immediately under that government, he did not like to 
act without previous communication with Lucknow ; to which 
place he had sent a messenger, informing the new authorities 
there that he had two Collector sahibs with him, and asking 
what he should do with them. If they did not otherwise in- 
struct him, he would then make us over to the Nawab ; but it 
was quite imperative on him, before doing any thing, to await 
the return of his messenger, who might be expected in ten or 
twelve days." The Nawab and the subahdars had, Hurdeo 
Buksh informed us, expressed themselves satisfied with this 
explanation. 

In this way he hoped to gain time, till the rains, now close 
at hand, fell, when the Ramgunga and Ganges would rise in 
flood, and the whole country be inundated, so that Dhurumpore 
and Kussowrah would become islands surrounded with water 
for miles ; he might then defy the Sepoys, as it would be im- 
possible for them to bring guns against him, and they would 
not dare to move without artillery. 

It was nearly morning when Hurdeo Buksh left us, not much 
encouraged by his visit, and in a state of great doubt and per- 
plexity. The tone of the people had, since the fall of Futteh- 
ghur, much changed toward us : they had become insolent, 
overbearing, and threatening ; clearly giving us to know that 
they wished us no good, and that it was only the fear of the 
"Konwur," as they termed Hurdeo Buksh, that prevented 
their getting rid of us. A day or two after this we were visited 
by a connection of Hurdeo Buksh called the " Collector Sahib," 
accompanied by another relation, who we knew bore the bitter- 
est animosity toward us. We felt that their coming boded us 
no good, and it was with much anxiety that we received them 
and awaited their communication. They told us that it was 
quite impossible for Hurdeo Buksh to protect us any longer ; he 
had already risked enough for us ; we must now. therefore, leave 



ADVENTURES OF JUDGE EDWARDS. 359 

his protection and shift for ourselves. He had, they told us, 
sent them to tell us to prepare to start in a boat down the Rana- 
gunga for Cawnpore ; which place they asserted had not yet 
fallen, and which we might easily reach. We remonstrated 
against this arrangement, telling them it was quite contrary to 
Hurdeo Buksh's own sentiments so lately expressed to us by 
himself. They, howevei-, would listen to no expostulations, 
and ordered us to be ready to start by next evening, by which 
time the boat would be prepared for us. The two old Thakoors 
of the village, who ever since our arrival had been uniformly 
kind and civil to us, as well as Seeta Ram, a poor Brahmin 
who had shown us much kindness and sympathy, depriving his 
own family of milk to give it to Probyn's children, entreated 
us not to proceed in the boat ; assuring us that if we did so the 
villagers on the banks would murder us before we had gone five 
miles down the stream. We tried to communicate with Hurdeo 
Buksh ; but our messengers were not permitted to cross the 
Ramgunga, which lay between us and Dhurumpore : we were 
therefore quite helpless, and could only do as we were ordered, 
and prepare ourselves to go to what we felt assured was certain 
death. So convinced were the natives that the expedition 
would be fatal to us, that Probyn's three servants, hitherto 
faithful, refused to accompany him, 

I then determined not to take Wuzeer Singh with me, but to 
send him to Nynee Tal with a farewell note and my little Testa- 
ment to my wife, to tell her what had become of me. I sum- 
moned him for this purpose, and told him that he must now 
leave me, as I was going on a journey which would, in all prob- 
ability, be fatal to us ; that I could not allow him to perish 
on my account, which he would do if he accompanied us, and 
that he must try and reach my wife and tell her all that had 
befallen me. He expressed the greatest reluctance to leave me, 
and only consented to do so at ray earnest and repeated solicit- 
ations. We then joined in prayer together, as I surely thought 



360 HEROES OP THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

for the last time on earth. I implored him never to desert his 
faith or revert to idolatry ; but, whatever happened, to cling to 
the Savior he had once acknowledged. He wept much, and we 
parted ; but, as it happened, only for a short time. In little 
more than an hour he came back into my room, and, throwing 
down the little parcel on the bed, said he conld not go : he 
entreated that I might allow him to accompany me, saying, 
almost in the words of Ruth to Naomi, " Where you go I will 
go, and where you die I will die also." So determined was he 
to share my fate, that I was forced to consent to his accompany- 
ing me. 

We had got our little baggage ready, and were prepared to 
start, almost resigned to our fate, when God, in his infinite 
mercy, and in answer to our prayers, interposed to prevent our 
going. When the messenger appeared, about 8 P. M., as we 
thought to summon us to start, he informed us that the boat was 
not quite ready, and that we could not move that night. Thus 
were we reprieved, for the time as it were, from certain destruc- 
tion ; for none of us expected to see the morning light. After 
this we were allowed to remain for a day or two unmolested. 

The Ramgunga having in the mean time considerably risen, 
we were then informed that the voyage was in consequence 
quite safe, and that, as the boat was ready, we must be prepared 
to depart in the evening. Again did the Thakoors and Seeta 
Ram implore us to refuse to leave the village ; we were, how- 
ever, quite helpless, and could only obey. 

About 8 o'clock in the evening, I forget the precise date, we 
started from the village to embark ; Wuzeer Singh and two of 
Probyn's servants, who had on this occasion volunteered to ac- 
company him, carrying our little baggage, and what necessaries 
for the boat we could collect ; Mr. and Mrs. Probyn each carry- 
ing a child, and I taking the baby, the only one of the children 
who would come to me. The old Thakoor Kussuree came with 
us to the end of the village, but declined going any further ; 



ADVENTURES OF JUDGE EDWARDS. 361 

saying, he could not be a party to conducting us to what lie 
knew was intended for our destruction. 

The road leading to the Ramgunga from the village was one 
mass of mud and water ; poor Mrs. Probyn was scarcely able 
to wade through it, and we could afford her but little assistance. 
We had proceeded about half a mile in the direction of the 
boat, when a breathless messenger met us from Dhurumpore, 
telling us to turn back at once, and proceed to a village beyond 
Kussowrah instead of to the boat ; as the Sepoys were in full 
march from Futtehghur to attack Dhurumpore, and that Hurdeo 
Buksh had gone out to meet them with his people. We turned 
back in accordance with these orders ; every moment expecting 
to hear the firing commence. 

We had gone about three miles in the direction of the village 
indicated, when we were overtaken by a second messenger from 
Dhurumpore, ordering us back to the boat, as the Sepoys, who 
had advanced some way towai'd Dhurumpore, had retreated, 
and were reported to be recrossing the Ganges. Accordingly 
we again retraced our steps, and stopped half an hour in Kus- 
sowrah to rest ; as Mrs. Probyn, who had on this, as on every 
other occasion, shown the most patient fortitude, was very 
much exhausted, and her clothes saturated with wet and mud. 
We were not allowed to remain long, but were ordered off, as 
we thought finally, to embark in the boat. G-od mercifully, 
however, ordered it otherwise. 

When about half-way between Kussowrah and the river, we 
held a consultation together ; it was determined, as a last re- 
source, that Probyn should go on ahead of us, try to get across 
the river to Dhurumpore, and procure an interview with Herdeo 
Buksh, as we thought that, by so doing, he might prevail on 
him not to expose us to a cruel death by sending us down the 
river without a guard, and with boatmen who would certainly 
desert us. He started ; and Mrs. Probyn, the children, Wuzeer 

Singh, and I followed, and, after much fatigue, reached the 

31 



362 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

bank of the Eamgunga, We were dismayed at finding the 
stream, instead of being in flood as we expected, a mere thread ; 
so that the villagers on either bank could, without much diffi- 
culty, reach the boat with their matchlocks, as it passed down, 
and destroy us. No boat, however, was on the bank, which 
was one mass of thick mud. A log of wood furnished a seat 
for Mrs. Probyn, who was by this time much exhausted ; and 
a cloth was spread for the children on the dryest spot we could 
find, where they slept, in their innocence, as soundly and se- 
curely as if they had been in their beds. 

In this position we remained for about an hour, and were 
expressing our surprise that Probyn, who had crossed the river 
at the ferry, was so long of rejoining us, when we were hailed 
by a man who we saw, by the moonlight, was approaching us 
from some distance down the stream. He proved to be the 
cX)nnection of Hurdeo Buksh Avho had visited us with the 
*' Collector" some days previously, and we argued no good 
from his appearance. On this occasion, however, he agreeably 
disappointed our forebodings ; for he gave us the Avelcome 
order to go back to Kussowrah, and there await further in- 
structions. We accordingly set out ; I took one of the chil- 
dren — Leslie — on my back, and carried in my arms my poor 
little friend, the baby — now "poor" no longer ; for he is "be- 
fore the throne of God," who has called him to himself. We 
met one of the Thakoors, who lent his arm to Mrs. Probyn, 
she being too much fatigued to proceed without his help. We 
reached our old quarters about 3 o'clock, A. M., soaking wet, 
and thoroughly worn out, as we had been moving almost con- 
tinuously from 6 o'clock, P. M. In about an hour after our 
arrival Probyn joined us. He had been fortunate enough to 
see Hurdeo Buksh, who was at first displeased at his unex- 
pected appearance ; but after Probyn had explained, was very 
gracious, and assured him that for the present he would aban- 
don all intention of sending us down the river. We then 



ADVENTURES OF JUDGE EDWARDS. 363 

joined in prayer and thanksgiving to Grod for his gracious 
interference in our behalf, in thus delivering us in so remarka- 
ble a manner from this imminent danger ; entreating, at the 
same time, his guidance and protection for the future. 

After this several days passed without much incident, except 
that Wuzeer Singh, on one occasion, came in to report that 
when strolling beyond the village, he had met several men 
whom he at once recognized as Sepoys, almost naked, and in 
a very miserable plight. He had learned from them that they 
were deserters from the mutineers at Delhi, and, when going 
home with their plunder, had been attacked and stripped by the 
villagers near Mynpoorie. They told him things were not 
prospering with the mutineers at Delhi ; that they had suffered 
most severely, and were heartily sick of it. This intelligence 
was, for the time, cheering ; but we were soon depressed by the 
news, brought to us almost simultaneously from Dhurumpore, 
that the Nawab and subahdars were becoming more urgent 
with Hurdeo Buksh to deliver us up, and had repeatedly for- 
warded purwannahs ordering him to destroy us, and send in 
our heads. They had even gone so far as to send him a fir- 
man, purporting to be from the Emperor of Delhi, conveying 
the Imperial order for our destruction. 

Hurdeo Buksh sent his brother-in-law, one of his most con- 
fidential people, to us to explain how hardly he was pushed, 
and how much difficulty he had in protecting us. He had, 
therefore, come to the conclusion that our safest plan was to 
start for Lucknow, and was accordingly making arrangements 
for our journey there, and for securing protection for us by the 
way, through certain influential talookdars, friends of his. 
Hurdeo Buksh was led to recommend our going to Lucknow in 
consequence of the intelligence he had lately received, that the 
attack on the Residency had been signally repulsed, and the 
mutineeers withdrawn from the town ; and, as the place was 
well provisioned, and contained plenty of ammunition, there 



364 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

was no fear of the garrison being unable to hold out ; more es- 
pecially as none of the rajwarrahs, as the chief talookdars are 
called, had as yet joined in the rebellion, but, on the contrary, 
had stood quite aloof from the Sepoys. 

We expressed to the brother-in-law our willingness, and, in- 
deed, eagerness to proceed at once to Lucknow, as recom- 
mended by Hurdeo Buksh. We were ourselves much pleased 
at the prospect of quitting Kussowrah, and finding ourselves 
once more among friends and countrymen. It was accordingly 
arranged that we should start on a certain night, as soon as it 
was dark, for Lucknow, by Sandee, which we were to reach in 
four marches. Our horses, which we had not seen since the 
9th of June, were, on the night appointed, sent up from Dhur- 
umpore after dark, for the conveyance of Probyn and myself, 
and a palanquin was prepared for Mrs. Probyn and the chil- 
dren. To avoid observation as much as possible, Probyn dyed 
his face, neck, hands, and feet a dark brown. This was con- 
sidered unnecessary for me, exposure to the sun having already 
made me almost as dark as a native, so I escaped a very disa- 
greeable process. 

We were sitting all ready to move, and, for the first time in 
many weeks, were in something approaching to cheerful spir- 
its, when rain came on ; and, to our bitter disappointment, we 
were told that we could not, in consequence, start that night. 
The next day we were informed we must not move till Hurdeo 
Buksh came to see us again, and that the time of his doing so 
depended on the return of a messenger he had sent to make 
some arrangements for us on the road. We had to wait four 
nights in this manner, feeling much chagrined by the delay, 
and accusing Hurdeo Buksh of supineness. On the fifth night 
he came about midnight, and was more dej)ressed than we had 
ever before seen him ; he informed us that the lull at Lucknow 
had been only temporary ; that the mutineers, having been re- 
inforced, had again attacked the Eesidency, and that fighting 



ADVETSITURES OF JUDGE EDWARDS. 365 

was going on, without intermission, clay and night. He told 
US that just as we were going to start for Lucknow, on 
the night first fixed for our departure, a rumor had reached 
him of the renewal of hostilities. He had accordingly seized 
the pretext of the rain falling to prevent our starting, and 
had continued to detain us, till he could ascertain the real 
state of affairs, hy sending a messenger to the spot. This 
messenger had only now returned, and confirmed the previous 
intelligence, leaving little hope that the garrison could long 
hold out against the multitudes attacking it. Our plan of 
going to Lucknow was thus fi'ustrated. Had we started as at 
first intended, we must have fallen into the hands of the mu- 
tineers and been massacred. Again, therefore, had we to praise 
God for having delivered us from the imminent danger into 
which we were blindly rushing. 

Hurdeo Buksh then gave us the pleasing intelligence, that the 
younger Mr. Jones and Mr. Churcher, two of the Futtehghur 
party, had escaped out of the boat which had been boarded near 
Singerampore by the Sepoys, and were then concealed in one 
of his villages. They had been kept so strictly hidden by the 
herdsmen among whom they were, that the fact had only a few 
days before come to his knowledge ; and he had given orders 
that they should be provided with both food and clothing. 

The most appalling news, he, however, informed us, had 
reached him from all quarters. There was no doubt whatever 
of the fall of Cawnpore, where every European had been de- 
stroyed. The party who had gone down the river by the first 
boats from Futtehghur, the American missionaries, the Monc- 
tons, Brierly, etc., had, he heard, been attacked and massacred 
near Bithoor. Agra was reported to have fallen, and the Eu- 
ropeans destroyed there, while attempting to make their way in 
boats down the Jumna. The Bombay army had revolted ; and, 
to crown all, there were no signs of aid coming, nor troops 
arriving from any quarter. Under these circumstances; he 



366 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

thought our only chance of safety was to remove secretly from 
Kussowrah — where the Nawah and Sepoys, from the informa- 
tion given them by some bankers, knew we were living under 
his protection, and where we were never safe from attack — and 
go into hiding in one of his villages, situated about twenty 
miles distant. 

The Probyns were to take one servant with them, and I was 
to go with Wuzeer Singh. Thakoor Kussuree met us outside 
and agreed to become responsible for our safety. 

Kussuree and the other Thakoor, Paorun, came early next 
morning to explain to me alone the plans they had formed for 
our future concealment and safety. These were rather startling. 
First, they insisted that it was quite hopeless to expect that our 
movements could be kept secret, or our position concealed, so 
long as we were accompanied by four children. It was there- 
fore quite imperative that the Probyns should leave these behind 
in the village, where every possible care would be taken of 
them. If, as was very probable, the enemy came to Kussowrah 
and instituted a search for us, they could contrive to hide the 
children ; and, if they were discovered, it was not probable that 
the Sepoys, finding we were gone, would injure them. If they 
did kill them, there was, of course, no help for it ; but it was 
their opinion that the chances of safety for the children were far 
greater separated from their parents than remaining with them. 
For ourselves it was arranged that we should be hidden in the 
jungles all day, moving about from place to place as occasion 
might require, and returning, if we could, at nightfall to the 
little hamlet, which had been prepared for us to sleep in. 

Upon consultation we determined not to separate, and the 
Thakoors relinquished their plan. We determined to start in a 
body for a village in the jungle. 

At 3 o'clock, A. M., the Thakoors woke us up, and we started. 
An elephant had been procured for Mrs. Probyn, her ayah, and 
the children. Probyn and one servant — the other had absconded 



ADVENTURES OF JUD<5E EDWARDS. 367 

the nigM before — and. I and Wuzeer Singh walked. When we 
were starting I missed old Kussuree, and as I had great confi- 
dence in him, and remembered his own repeated advice never to 
go any where if he did not accompany us, I waited for him ; he, 
at last, and after sending many messages, joined ns, bxit evi- 
dently with much reluctance. No sooner had we started than 
the rain came down in torrents, wetting us through, as also our 
little bedding. About a mile in advance of Kussowrah, we 
came on a stream of water so deep that the elephant could not 
wade across, and was therefore dismissed. We had to be ferried 
over in a little boat, and then to proceed on our feet, each of us 
carrying a child. The path lay over ground thick with thorny 
bushes, which made our progress slow and painful. About a 
mile and a half from the stream we came to a large piece of 
water, which we had to wade across. Probyn carried his wife 
over, but with much difficulty, as it was deep and the bottom 
full of thick, slippery mud. 

PLACE OF CONCEALMENT. 

At last, just as the day was dawning, the rain all the while 
pouring in torrents, we reached our destination ; a wretched, 
solitary hamlet of four or five houses in the middle of the 
waste, and inhabited by only a few herdsmen and their cattle. 
The scene was desolate beyond description. As we came up, no 
one was moving in the village, all being yet asleep. One of 
the Thakoors roused up the chief man, a wild-looking Aheer, 
who pointed out to us a wretched hovel, which he said was for 
the Probyns. It was full of cattle, and very filthy : the mud 
and dirt were over our ankles, and the effluvia stifling. 

My heart sank within me, as I looked round on this desolate, 
hopeless scene. I laid down the poor baby on a charpoy in a 
little hut, the door of which was open, and on which a child of 
one of the herdsmen was fast asleep. Poor Mrs. Probyn, for 
the first time since our troubles commenced, fairly broke down. 



368 HEKOES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

and wept at the miserable prospect for her children and herself. 
Probyn was much roused, and remonstrated with the Thakoors, 
saying, " If there is no better place for us than this, you had 
better kill us at once, for the children can not live here more than 
a few hours : they must perish." In the meantime, I had looked 
round to see if any arrangement could possibly be made for 
sheltering them, and, observing a little place on the roof of one 
of the huts, pointed it out to Wuzeer Singh ; he immediately 
scrambled up, and having examined it, called out that it was 
empty, clean, and dry, and a palace compared with the place 
below. I mounted up with his assistance, and was overjoyed 
to find a little room, clean and sweet, and with apparently a 
water-tight roof. 

I called out to the Probyns below, and Wuzeer and I helped 
up Mrs. Probyn, and then the children ; Probyn followed, and 
we, eight persons in all, established ourselves in this little space, 
most thankful to have it to shelter us, small as it was. The 
Thakoors made no objection to our appropriating the room, 
provided we kept strictly within it and never showed ourselves 
outside ; as they feared we might be seen from the roof, and our 
hiding-place discovered. We could only be contained in this 
room by lying down on the mud floor, in places fixed for each. 
One little corner was assigned to me, neither so broad nor so 
long as the smallest berth in a ship's cabin ; where I deposited 
my blanket and the little bundle which served me as a pillow 
and contained all my worldly goods : merely a single change 
of native clothing, but quite sufficient ; and really I do n't know 
that any one, in the best of circumstances, requires more. 
Soon after we got into this place the Thakoors took leave, 
promising often to visit us ; they made over the charge of us to 
the Aheers, enjoining them to let no strangers enter or stop in 
the village on any account, and to maintain perfect secrecy re- 
specting us. All which they professed their readiness to do ; 
asserting that they would die for us rather than betray us. 



ADVENTURES OF JUDGE EDWARDS. 369 

The rain, which had come down heavily all the morning, 
now ceased, and for several days there were only occasional 
showers. The heat was intense, as we were so closely packed 
together in this little room. We could only get out at night ; 
and during the day the only relief we had was to turn on our 
hacks, or from one side to the other, or sit up : standing or 
moving ahout was quite impossihle. The poor children were 
in sad misery ; they could not he allowed to leave the room, and 
there was no space in it for them to crawl or move about. 
They were much more patient than we could have expected, and 
happily slept much. We were also now a good deal pressed 
for food ; all we could get being a little milk and chupatties : 
and not the former on Sundays, as the Aheers will on no ac- 
count part with the milk of their cattle on that day, but appro- 
priate it for themselves. Notwithstanding our miserable cir- 
cumstances, we lived with much harmony and in comparative 
peace. Thanks be to the Almighty ! whose blessing and pro- 
tection we duly implored together morning and evening ; find- 
ing him, as he will be found by all who seek him, " a very 
present help in time of trouble." 

Suddenly the rains came down with tremendous force, and 
neither Probyn nor I could sleep, as we had hitherto done, on 
the roof of the house just outside the door of our room, emerg- 
ing therefrom at nights, when it fell dark. The space inside 
had become much circumscribed in consequence of leakage, one 
or two places in it having become untenable ; I was, therefore, 
forced to try and secure some shelter for myself elsewhere. 
Wuzeer Singh succeeded in renting a cow-house for me for 
two rupees — 4s. — a month: a small, miserable hovel in which 
two cows had hitherto been stalled. It was, as usual, without 
any door, and haviiig probably not been cleaned out for years, 
was filthy beyond description. I was, however, thankful for 
this shelter, and Wuzeer Singh having cleaned it out, and con- 
trived to hire a charpoy — native bed — for me, I was, as the 



370 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

roof did not leak, made comparatively comfortable. Many an 
hour of intense agony of mind, when I thoiight of all those 
dear to me, whom I was probably never to see again, and some 
also of blessed peace, have I spent in that little room. 

The men of the hamlet used to come and visit and talk with 
me now and then. I had no means of keeping them out, even 
if I desired it, so they went and came just as they pleased. 
One day a relative of the chief man of the village, and residing 
at another not far off, arrived on a visit, and, of course, came 
to my room to have a look at me. He sat down, and we en- 
tered into conversation. I was surprised to find him much 
more quick and intelligent than the generality of the villagers, 
who were rude in the extreme ; and found on inquiring that he 
had been a traveler, and had been, Avith his four-bullock cart, 
attached to our commissariat during the first Sutlege campaign, 
when he went as far as Lahore. I inquired if he had been reg- 
ularly paid for the duty : he assured me fully and liberally, and 
commenced praising the justness and liberality of our Govern- 
ment ; under which, as he expressed it, " the lamb and the lion 
could drink at the same stream." It immediately struck me 
that I could perhaps induce this man to convey a letter to my 
wife at Nynee Tal ; of whom on that date, the 17th July, I had 
heard nothing later than of the 26th May, and concerning whose 
safety and that of my child I was in constant and terrible sus- 
pense : for could I be sure that Nynee Tal had not fallen as 
well as Bareilly and Futtehghur, and the dwellers there, as at 
the other places, fearfully massacred ? 

I told the man — whose name was Rohna — the misery I was 
enduring about the " Mem - sahib" and the "Baba ;" that if I 
knew they were safe I could bear any thing ; and entreated him 
to take pity upon me, and carry a note from me to my wife 
telling her of my safety, and to bring me back tidings of her. 
I told him I had scarcely any money, and could only give him 
eight rupees ; but, if he once reached my wife, I assured him 



ADVENTURES OF JUDGE EDWARDS. 371 

she would reward him handsomely. To my great delight, he 
said he felt deeply for me, and would certainly do his best to 
convey the letter to Nynee Tal, and bring me back an answer : 
that he would set out the same evening for his home, arrange 
his affairs there, and start from thence in the morning, going 
through Bareilly ; he had been there before and knew the way. 
He then retired, saying he would be back in an hour to take 
my letter. I sent Wuzeer Singh, who had been present at the 
interview, after him, to endeavor to find out whether the man 
was in earnest, or merely deceiving me to get the advance of 
money I had offered. He soon came back, saying he thought 
from the man's manner he could be depended on, and would 
certainly undertake the journey. 

I determined to write two notes, one to my wife and another 
to Missur Byjenath at Bareilly, entreating him to aid my mes- 
senger in reaching Nynee Tal. I had but a small scrap of pa- 
per — half the fly-leaf of Bridges on the 119th Psalm, which hap- 
pily we had with us — on which to write both notes. Pen or 
ink I had none, and only the stump of a lead pencil, of which 
the lead was so nearly exhausted that only a little atom remained 
quite loose. I at once commenced my writing : in the middle, 
the little atom of lead fell out, and I was in despair. At last, 
after much searching in the dust of the mud floor, I found it, 
and contrived to refix it in its place sufficiently to enable me to 
finish two very brief notes, about one inch square ; which was 
all the man could conceal about his person, or would consent 
to take, as it was reported that the rebels were in the habit of 
searching all travelers for letters or papers, and had already 
killed several who were discovered with English letters on 
them. 

When the notes were ready I got a little milk and steeped 
them in it, to make the writing indelible, and then put them 
out to dry in the sun on a wall just outside my room. In an 
instant a crow pounced on one and carried it off": it was that 



372 HEROES OP THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

for my wife. I, of course, thought it was gone forever, and 
felt heart-broken with vexation ; as I had no more paper, nor 
any means or hope of getting any, on which to write another 
note. Wuzeer Singh had, unknown to me, seen the crow, fol- 
lowed it with one of the herdsmen, and after a long chase of 
about an hour, saw the bird drop it, and recovering it brought 
it back to me uninjured. I then dispatched my messenger with 
both notes, and many injunctions to be deterred by no difficul- 
ties, but push his way through to Bareilly, where Byjenath 
would, I was certain, aid him in going on to Nynee Tal : up to 
this date I know not whether he has succeeded in his mission, 
but I think from the look of the man that he is likely to do so. 

On the 24th we got terrible news from Futtehghur. The Eu- 
ropeans were killed by the infuriated Nana. Our own position 
was wretched in the extreme, and on the 26th Mrs. Probyn's 
child expired. The next day my messenger returned in a mis- 
erable plight. He had been arrested, and his letters taken 
from him. 

On the 4th of August another messenger arrived with joyful 
news — he had tidings from my wife and child. Both were well, 
and the messenger had seen them. The next three weeks passed 
away slowly and anxiously. Sometimes darkened with fear, 
again elated with hope, and yet all the time in actual, pres- 
ent want and suffering. We resume the journal: 

Monday, 24if/i. — Sinister rumors are rife to-day in the village, 
and of course are duly communicated to us, that the insurgents 
are again reassembling in the neighborhood of Cawnpore, and 
have attacked and expelled the police from the reestablished 
stations. It is also reported that Ranee Chunda Koonwur, 
mother of Dhuleep Singh, has effected her escape fi-om Nepaul, 
and has arrived at Futtehghur, en route to the Punjaub. If 
this be true, and she succeeds in reaching her destination, the 
consequences may be most troublesome, if not disastrous. 

Finished to-day, for the second time, that excellent work 



ADVENTURES OF JUDGE EDWARDS. 373 

Bridges on 119th Psalm ; the sole book in my hands, except 
the Bible, for the past two months : and fortunate have I been 
to have had these sources of consolation. I found great com- 
fort and encouragement to-day in reading his remarks on faith, 
in his commentary on the 116th verse ; which contains, I think, 
the real Scriptural doctrine. However our own frames may 
change, or our power of comprehension vary, He remains the 
same, yesterday, to-day, and forever : we can neither add to 
nor detract any thing from the completeness of His finished 
work. 

Just as we were falling off asleep last night we were roused 
by the arrival of a messenger from General Havelock. We 
jumped up, eager to get his expected communication ; but, to 
our bitter disappointment, found that he had only brought a 
letter from the General to Hurdeo Buksh, commending him for 
his humanity and loyalty in having protected us hitherto, and 
assuring him of high rewards if he would send us safe into the 
British camp, as soon as it reached Futtehghur. 

The messenger quite raised our spirits by informing us that 
below Cawnpore all was tranquil — daks running and telegraph 
communication with Calcutta open, just as before the mutiny, 
and that Lucknow was quite safe ; so miich so that the army 
was to move on Futtehghur before making any fresh attempt 
for its relief. The messenger, however, strongly urged us not 
to attempt to escape down the Ganges, as we should certainly 
be seized and killed by the rebels along the banks ; but to re- 
main quietly where we were till Havelock's army advanced and 
captured Futtehghur. 

Tuesday, 2bth. — My messenger, Rohna, arrived to-day from 
Nynee Tal with a welcome letter from my wife, giving good 
accounts of herself and Gracey. They, with the other ladies, 
had been removed as a matter of precaution to Almorah, as 
Khan Bahadur Khan's troops were threatening Nynee Tal. 
Rohna brought me also a little note from Ramsay, entreating 



374 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

me not to attempt to reach tlie hills by Pillibheet, as the coun- 
try is much disturbed and full of rebels ; so that this route is 
quite impracticable. These letters gave us a good account of 
affairs generally. Reinforcements had reached Delhi ; which, it 
was hoped, might fall by the end of the month, and twenty- 
thousand men are announced on their way from England. It 
appears that communication is open between Nynee Tal, 
Mussoorie, and other parts, as accounts up to the 18th June 
have reached my wife of all the dear ones at home, who 
were quite well, and in happy ignorance of our desperate 
situation. 

Late in the evening, one of Hurdeo Buksh's people came 
from Dhurumpore to tell us that a messenger, sent by his mas- 
ter to ascertain the state of the river, had returned and reported 
all clear and safe as far as Cawnpore. As it is now pretty cer- 
tain that we shall make the attempt ere many days elapse, we 
deemed it right to intimate our intention to Major Robertson 
and Mr. Churcher, in order that they might accompany us. 
Probyn accordingly sent a note to Robertson to warn him, but 
enjoining him to maintain entire secrecy, as upon this mainly 
depends our safety and the success of our enterprise. 

Wednesday, August 2Qth. — General Havelock's messenger 
again advised us strongly against attempting the river route ; 
maintaining that at several points on the banks on both sides, 
to his certain knowledge, the enemy were posted in force with 
guns, which, of course, we could never pass. We sent Wuzeer 
Singh to tell Hurdeo Buksh what the hurkarah had told us. 
On his return he said that information to the same effect had 
also reached Hurdeo Buksh, who had in consequence sent off 
fresh messengers to procure accurate intelligence, as to the state 
of the river and the position of the rebels between us and 
Cawnpore. We are not to start till they return. All this is 
very depressing : we seem to be surrounded by a circle of fire, 
which it is impossible to pass through. All that we can do is. 



ADVENTURES OF JUDGE EDWARDS. 375 

like Ezra, with earnest prayer to seek of our God " a right way 
for us and the little ones." 

A messenger arrived to-day bringing a letter from Delhi, 
which was, as usual, concealed in the sole of his shoe. On 
opening it, we found, to o^lr great disappointment, that it was 
not addressed to either of us ; but was from Yule — of the 9th . 
Lancers, we suppose — to an officer of the name of Beatson at 
Cawnpore. The messenger said he left Delhi on the 18th, when 
all was going on well. On the 12th an outwork was carried by 
our troops without much loss, the enemy losing five hundred 
killed : they daily sally out and attack our siege operations, 
but do little mischief, and cause us no loss. Reinforcements 
from Bombay, the messenger said, had arrived, and a siege 
train from Ferozepore was close at hand, which it was hoped 
would at once settle the business. 

Thursday, 21th August. — Nothing new settled about our 
plans, and we are much harassed. Heavy guns firing in Fur- 
rukabad to-day, we know not from what cause ; but they re- 
minded us painfully of our fearful proximity to that place 
where are so many thirsting for our lives. Amidst it all, to- 
day's Psalms most consoling, and wonderfully suited to our 
case, especially the 121st. 

A Brahmin in the employ of Mr. Churcher, and said to be 
much in his confidence, came to us to-day bringing a letter from 
Major Robertson, telling us that although so weak that he faints 
whenever he is moved in order to have his wound dressed, he 
thought it his duty to avail himself of this opportunity, which 
God has put in his way, to try to escape from these awful 
dangers which threaten us on every side. Although he consid- 
ers our chance of escape very slender, and the attempt a despe- 
rate one, he will hold himself in readiness to start to join our 
boat whenever he receives instructions of the time fixed for de- 
parture. The Brahmin did his best to dissuade us from the at- 
tempt ; assuring us it must end in our destruction, unless 



376 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

Hurdeo Buksli would send down with us at least four hundred 
matchlockiiien in separate boats. Mr. Churcher, he told us, 
would certainly not run the risk, but preferred remaining where 
he was, in hiding with the Aheers. We dismissed the messen- 
ger, telling him to inform his master that we are quite determ- 
ined to start as soon as the boat is ready. 

Saturday, ^^th August. — Late last night, after we were all in 
bed, but none of us asleep, and while pondering over our 
gloomy circumstances, Jones, who has a very fine voice, sud- 
denly commenced singing the " Old Folks at Home." I never 
felt more deeply affected in my life ; and indeed this was the 
case with all of us while listening to the song. 

Seetah Ram soon after arrived, bringing a note to me from 
G-eneral Havelock, and another to Hurdeo Buksh's address ; 
both inclosed in quills, and, of course, very brief. The General 
strongly recommended us to remain where we were and watch 
events ; as the rebels infested all the roads and rendered travel- 
ing most dangerous — almost impossible. We were much cast 
down, and consulted together whether to follow the General's 
advice and remain where we were, or risk the river journey. It 
was, after all, but a choice of dangers : to remain where we 
were much longer was almost certain destruction ; to go, al- 
though hazardous in the extreme, offered at least a chance of 
safety and escape, so we all three determined to try the river. 
There was no time to lose, as Seetah Ram reported that the 
rebels were again collecting, but as yet there were no bodies of 
men and no guns on the river banks. 

We all thought it best that Probyn should go at once to 
Hurdeo Buksh, deliver to him General Havelock's letter, and 
intimate that we are ready to start as soon as he pleased. He 
accordingly set off, and returned in about two hours, stating 
that Hurdeo Buksh has determined to send us off by boat to- 
morrow morning. May God in his infinite mercy go forth with 
us, and protect us, and bring us to our desired haven ! We 



ADVENTURES OF JUDGE EDWARDS. 377 

sent off a messenger to Robertson to inform him and Churclier, 
and also bearers to convey the former, as he could not walk to 
the boat to-morrow morning. 

THE ESCAPE. 

Tuesday, Septemher 1st. — On Sunday, August 30th, I awoke 
very early, and roused up the others. The morning was dull 
and rainy, just fit for our expedition. We all in that little shed 
joined for the last time, in earnest prayer together for a blessing 
on our undertaking, and in thanksgiving for the many mercies 
we had received, and for our wonderful preservation hitherto in 
this place. At 7 A. M., Hurdeo Buksh came himself to con- 
duct us to the boat. The Thakoors, and other leading men of 
the village, who had been in the habit of coming and sitting 
with us and giving us the news during the past weary weeks, 
accompanied us to the boats ; which we found moored on the 
Ramgunga, opposite Dhurumpore, and all ready for us. 

Our party consisted of eleven matchlockmen, as a guard, 
eight rowers, all under the command of Hurdeo Buksh's brother- 
in-law Thakoor Pirthee Pal. Seeta Ram also accompanied us, 
as he knew where our troops were located at Cawnpore, and 
might be useful to us en route ; and also Rohna, who was to 
return at once if we reached Cawnpore in safety, with a note to 
Hurdeo Buksh, and one for my wife, to take on to Nynee Tal. 
One of the Kussowrah Thakoors, of Poorun, also went with us. 

We remained for moi-e than two hours at the boat, waiting 
for Major Robertson and Mr. Churcher, and at the imminent 
peril of our own lives ; our safety mainly depending on expe- 
dition and secrecy. If intelligence of our projected attempt 
reached the Nawab and subahdars in Futtehghur nothing was 
easier than for them to detach some Sepoys down the Ganges, 
to the point where the Ramgunga falls into it, and intercept us 
there. They could reach that point in less than two hours with 

ease from the time of starting ; whereas it would occupy nearly 

32 



378 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

from morn till evening, owing to the winding course of the 
Ramgunga, before we could hope to enter the Granges. 

Hurdeo Buksh had happily taken the precaution, the night 
before, of seizing all the boats at the ferries on both rivers, 
within the limits of his domain, thus cutting off all communi- 
cation with Furrukabad. Any lengthened interruption of the 
passages across the Ganges would not fail, however, to attract 
notice and excite suspicion ; and it was in his opinion very 
essential for our safety that we should embark and start without 
further loss of time. We were in a most painful position. We 
could not bear the idea of leaving our poor countrymen behind, 
and yet if we delayed any longer, we might lose our own lives 
without benefiting them. At last, just as our patience was 
exhausted, a messenger arrived from Major Robertson to say 
that neither he nor Mr. Churcher would risk the attempt. They 
were doubtless dissuaded by the Brahmin servant of Mr. 
Churcher, who had used his best arguments to deter us from 
the journey. 

There was nothing now to detain us, so about eleven, as far 
as we could jndge, we started. Hurdeo Buksh rode with us for 
some miles along the banks of the stream and then left us ; 
enjoining us to be careful to remain under the covered part of the 
boat, and on no account to show ourselves, as that would lead 
to our discovery, and in such an event to our destruction. To 
secure the fidelity of the boatmen, he had, he informed us, 
seized their families, and would only be released on the news 
reaching him of our safe arrival at Cawnpore. The matchlock- 
men were his own immediate retainers, and fully trustworthy. 
I, however, doubted them much more than the boatmen, for 
whose fidelity we have a substantial guarantee ; for I believed 
they would take to the river, in which they can swim like fish, 
on the very first approach of danger. 

The boat was nominally conveying the female portion of the 
family of a relative of Hurdeo Buksh, on a visit to their 



ADVENTURES OF JUDGE EDWARDS. 379 

relations at a lonely place on the Oude side of the Ganges called 
Tirrovvah Pulleeah, belonging to a talookdar named Dhunna 
Singh. This man is a great friend of Hurdeo Bnksh, and 
possessed of considerable influence on both sides of the river, 
as far as Cawnpore. If he considered the road safe, he was to 
accompany us to that place ; if he did not, he was to give us 
shelter and protect us for the time being, and till something 
was determined upon for our disposal. 

For the first twenty miles of our course down the Ramgunga, 
we ran little risk, as Hurdeo Buksh's influence sufficed to pro- 
tect us. For the last thirty, till the river joins the Ganges, the 
danger was great. Messengers, howevei-, met us at different 
points along the bank to warn us whether we might safely proceed 
or not. At one point we were in considerable danger of being 
wrecked. The boatmen tried a new channel and came upon a 
rapid, with an abrupt fall of, I should think, nearly four feet. 
The stream was running with great rapidity ; but, from its 
shallowness, the boat stuck in the middle, and for ten minutes 
could not be extricated. We dared not show ourselves outside, 
and it was most trying to sit still, crowded as we were in the 
close covered space allotted to us, Avhile the boat hung as it 
were on an inclined plane, the water roaring and surging round 
us. At last they managed to get her clear, and we floated down 
without further interruption, till we reached within two or three 
miles of the mouth of the Ramgunga. 

The river had so materially changed its channel this yeai", 
that for several reaches we found ourselves directly opposite 
the village of Kassim Kore, situated on the right bank of the 
Ganges, and which we supposed lay some four miles higher up 
the stream. This village bore the worst character ; its inhabit- 
ants had, we were aware, taken an active part in the massacre 
of the Futtehghur fugitives and the plunder of their boat ; that 
fearful tragedy having occurred in its immediate neighborhood. 

It was with breathless anxiety, therefore, that we watched 



380 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

this village. From the great hight of the bank on which it 
was placed the people must have seen us, as we came winding 
down the stream and rounded the reaches ; and the unusual 
sight of a boat could not, we feared, fail to attract attention^ 
and lead parties of them to come off in boats to intercept us. 
The sun was setting as we floated out into the Ganges, here 
about a mile broad, and only about a quarter of a mile below 
Kassim Kore. It was with a sickening sort of anxiety we con- 
tinued to watch this place ; but it was like a village of the 
dead : not a human being could we discern moving about, and 
deeply thankful did we feel when we found that we were pass- 
ing unnoticed. But we scarcely ventured to consider ourselves 
secure till we lost sight of the hateful spot in the distance. 

The Ganges was still in flood, and we floated down yqtj 
rapidly, keeping, as far as it was possible, the middle of the 
stream. At one point where the stream narrowed considerably, 
there was a ferry close to a large village, with several boats 
close to the bank, and a number of people collected and about 
to cross. Except the boat at these and other ferries, there was 
nothing floating on the Ganges. Instead of the fleets which 
for the last fifty years had been passing up and down without 
intermission, not a single boat had been seen on its waters since 
that one which had escaped from Puttehghur, and of whose fate 
we were in the utmost ignorance. The unusual sight of a boat 
rowed rapidly down stream, with a number of armed men on 
the roof and deck, attracted immediate attention, and we hardly 
dared to hope that we could safely pass this ferry. As we ap- 
proached the place, our guards got their cartridge-boxes handy, 
and their powder-horns by them, all ready if required. 

We were, as we expected, challenged and asked who we were, 
and told to stop and pull in shore. The Thakoor replied that 
he was taking his family down to Tirrowah Pulleeah, and could 
not stop. A voice called out, " You have Feringhees [English] 
concealed in that boat ; come ashore at once." " Feringhees on 



ADVENTURES OE JUDGE EDWARDS. 381 

board," was the ready answer of the Thakoor, Pirthee Pal, "I 
wish we had, and we should soon dispose of them and get their 
plunder." " Stop and come ashore," was repeated ; but by 
this time, owing to the rapidity of the stream, we had 
floated past. 

The river widened, and we bore out into the center of the 
stream ; the distance thus put between us, and the sight of the 
guard all ready with their matchlocks, no doubt deterred any of 
those on shore from putting off and following us. After this 
we passed on without challenge till nightfall, when the boat 
was stopped ; we anchored at a most solitary, desolate place, 
covered with long grass, and left half dry by the receding 
waters of the river. This place, we heard, was only a mile and 
a half from Tirrowah Pulleeah, Dhunna Singh's stronghold. 
Our crew and guards immediately went on shore, and com- 
menced cooking. 

It was of course essential for us to communicate with Dhunna 
Singh, as he was to accompany us on, and it would be hopeless 
for us to attempt to proceed without him. Only one of our 
party, a boatman, knew the way to his fort, which lay directly 
across the waste, along side of which we were anchored, with, 
as he told ns, a deep creek intervening, and he declared he 
would not go alone at this time of night. Some of the guard 
and boatmen were in vain ordered to accompany this man ; not 
one would leave his cooking. At last the Thakoor seized one 
of the boatmen, gave him a sound thrashing, and frightened 
him into accompanying them. 

They followed a small path, and were soon lost in the long 
grass. Probyn and I got out of the boat and walked up and 
down the bank, anxiously discussing the probability of the 
messengers failing us, or, in event even of their reaching the 
place, of Dhunna Singh's answering our summons or not. It 
was the wildest and most dismal scene I have ever witnessed ; 
the boatmen and guard even seemed depressed, and sat cooking 



382 HEROES OP THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

in silence ; not a sound was heard but the croaking of innu- 
merable frogs in the pools, and crabs in the swamp. Nearly 
two hours passed away without any sign of our messengers : 
not a soul came near us. At last Probyn determined that we 
had better go on at all hazards, as the night was slipping away ; 
and as the most dangerous part of the river was before us, it 
was necessary to pass it under cover of the darkness. Desolate 
as the place was, it would not do to remain there for the inight ; 
as the herdsmen grazing their cattle would no doubt discover 
us as soon as it was light, and most likely give information to 
the villagers, who would come down and destroy us. My 
opinion was strongly against starting without Dhunna Singh. 
It had been part of Hurdeo Buksh's arrangement that he should 
accompany us, and if once we deviated from it, in so important 
a point, the crew might not consider themselves any longer re- 
sponsible for our safety, and might desert us. Probyn agreed 
to remain for another half-hour : one of terrible anxiety and 
suspense it was. 

I was pacing np and down, and almost in despair, when I 
heard the sound of voices approaching, and Dhunna Singh al- 
most immediately came up, with our messengers and a few 
followers ; he was an old man, with a white head, but very wiry 
and athletic, and from his frank and self-possessed manner I 
saw at once that he was the right sort of a man for this kind 
of work. He said we must go on at once, and lamented that 
so much time had already been lost ; as it was most desirable 
to be beyond a part of the river near Sheorajpore by the morn- 
ing. The only thing suspicious about Dhimna Singh was his 
desiring to accompany us in a small boat to be towed astern, 
instead of on board ours. I told him we expected him to come 
into our boat ; and this he did, after some hesitation. 

We started about ten o'clock, so far as we could judge, and 
floated rapidly down the river, keeping as much as we could in 
the center of the stream. We were challenged repeatedly from 



ADVENTURES OF JUDGE EDWARDS. 383 

either bank, and ordered to stop and come ashore ; but on start- 
ing, Dhunna Singh had instructed two of his men, whom he 
had brought on board with him, to reply in answer to any 
challenge, that the boat belonged to Dhunna Singh, of Tirowah 
Pulleeah, who was taking his family down to bathe at a cele- 
brated bathing ghaut near Cawnpore. If this explanation 
failed to satisfy, the men in repeating it were instructed to say 
that Dhunna Singh was himself on board ; and if even this 
did not suffice, he would himself come forward and answer the 
challenge. 

On several occasions he had to do this ; for the explanation 
of the men being not believed, a second and more peremptory 
summons was given to stop and pull ashore. Dhunna Singh's 
own powerful and peculiarly harsh voice, however, never failed 
to satisfy inquirers ; who, on hearing his explanation, either 
remained silent, or said, *' Go on, go on !" At one village, 
however, much embarrassment was caused by the party chal- 
lenging being intimate with Dhunna Singh, expressing great 
satisfaction at his arrival, and begging him to come ashore and 
take them on board. Dhunna Singh showed great readiness 
and presence of mind in this difficulty. He answered their hail 
with great apparent cordiality, and telling the rowers to stop 
pulling, began asking questions about different persons and 
places ; he thus held the party in conversation till we had floated 
well past the village, when he called out that he could not stop 
just then, as he wanted his family to be at the ghaut in time to 
bathe before the morning ; but that on his return, in two or 
three days, he would make a point of stopping in the village. 
On saying this he ordered the men to give way as fast as possi- 
ble, which they did ; and as the river was running like a sluice, 
we passed down so rapidly that any attempt to have pursued us 
by a boat from the village would have been quite vain. 

About one in the morning we approached Mendee Ghaut, 
the chief ferry between Oude and the Futtehghur side of the 



384 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

river, and a great place of resort for mutineers or rebels. 
Dhunna Singh expressed great anxiety to pass this place in 
safety ; assuring ns that the risk of detection was very great. 
Most providentially, as we approached within a mile of the 
place, a large bank of clouds came over the moon and it became 
partially dark. The rowers were told to ship their oars, and 
the whole party to keep profound silence. In this way we 
glided down the stream very rapidly, and silent as the grave ; 
owing to the darkness and perfect stillness we passed this crit- 
ical point altogether unnoticed and unchallenged. About an 
hour after this we grounded twice : the first time, the boat was 
got off without much trouble ; but on the second occasion she 
struck several times very heavily, and then nearly capsized. 
She, however, soon righted a little, but remained for more than 
an hour stuck fast on the sand-bank. I thought then it surely 
was all up with us ; that we could not float her, and that we 
should be deserted by those on board and left to the mercy of 
the villagers, who could not fail to notice and come down on us 
as soon as it was light. 

Nearly the whole of the guard, as well as the rowers, at our 
earnest entreaty, got into the water ; and, by thus lightening 
the boat, succeeded, after heavy labor, in getting her afloat. 
The delay caused by this mishap was very serious ; for day 
broke just as we were nearing a place on the right bank where 
a body of the enemy with guns were said to be posted, and 
which we had calculated upon passing during the night. 

As we approached this point Dhunna Singh, as well as our- 
selves, felt most anxious. Great, however, was our relief, and 
deep our thankfulness, when, upon rounding a reach of the 
river, we found this place silent and deserted. Had the enemy 
been here we must have fallen into their hands ; for escape 
would have been impossible. Dhnnna Singh now told us that 
if we could only succeed in reaching Bithoor, some ten miles 
farther down, which he supposed was occupied by our troops, 



ADVENTURES OF JUDGE EDWARDS. 385 

we should be safe ; but till we arrived there, as it was now day- 
light, the risk of being stopped was great. 

On we went Avithout interruption for some miles, when the 
stream carrying us close in shore on the right bank, we came, 
on rounding a point suddenly, on a considerable body of peo- 
ple, some bathing and some sitting on the bank. On Dhunna 
Singh replying in the usual manner to their challenge, what 
Avas our delight and surprise to hear the party, who were com- 
pletely deceived about us, earnestly Avarn Dhunna Singh not to 
proceed much further down the river, as he would in that case 
inevitably fall into the hands of the Gora log — Europeans — who 
were in force in Bithoor, and Avould kill all in the boat. 

Dhunna Singh, Avith his usual presence of mind, affected 
great alarm at this intelligence, and winking coolly at me as I 
lay inside the covering, eagerly inquired of those ashore Avhere 
our troops were posted, and how far we could proceed down 
the stream Avith safety. He was told the exact spot, and then, 
saying he Avould avoid that point, and cross to the Oude side 
of the stream, told the roAvers to give Avay. We shot rapidly 
away, and thus escaped a most imminent danger. So near 
were Ave to the party on shore, that Probyn and I each caught 
up one of the children and kept our hands on their mouths, lest 
they might speak or cry out ; which Avould have betrayed us at 
once, and Ave must ha\'e been lost. 

We met with no incident for the next few miles, and about 
11 o'clock Ave reached Bithoor. We were noAV beginning to 
congratulate ourselves that at last we were in safety, and 
Dhunna Singh, as we approached the place, remoA^ed the cur- 
tain hanging in front of where Ave lay, and called out to us, 
" You are noAv in your own territory ; come out and look 
about, for there is no more need of hiding." Jones was just 
on the point of availing himself of this permission, and going 
out from under cover, where he had been cramped up all night, 

into the open air, when, as he Avas stepping over me, I caught 

33 



386 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

his leg, and by some involuntary impulse begged of bim to 
stop, and not to sbow bimself for a little. He bad scarcely 
done so, and tbe words bad bardly left my lips, wben tbe cur- 
tain was bastily replaced, and we were bailed by a man on tbe 
bank. Dbunna Singb inquired wbo be was ; be replied that 
be was a Sepoy of Jussa Singh's son, and bad come across 
from Futtebpore Chowrassee with some of the Nana's people, 
to convey away some of tbe Nana's property which be bad been 
forced to leave behind bim, when be fled from our troops ou 
their capture of the place. 

Dbunna Singb completely deceived this man by his ready re- 
plies to all his questions, and so prevented bis suspecting tbe 
real character of tbe boat, or giving tbe alarm. Dbunna Singb 
expressed great satisfaction on hearing that Bitboor was evacu- 
ated by our troops, and reoccupied by some of the Nana's, and 
of his ally, Jussa Singh's son. Jussa Singh himself, wbo was 
tbe Nana's confederate in the Cawnpore tragedy, bad about a 
fortnight previously died of his wounds, and been succeeded by 
his son ; with whom the Nana was at this moment in hiding a 
few miles from us, at Futtebpore Chowrassee. 

Soon after passing this Sepoy, and while floating past some 
high buildings, several shots were fired in rapid succession ; and 
we saw several hundred armed men, congregated in and around 
tbe buildings. We, however, heard no whiz of bullets, and 
supposed that the firing was in honor of tbe great Mohammedan 
festival of the Mohurrum, which is now being celebrated. It 
was truly miraculous bow we escaped being observed by this 
large body of men, all armed, and in tbe service of our deadliest 
enemies. We were the sole boat which bad appeared for nearly 
two months on the river, and the unusual sight could not fail 
to have drawn their attention to us, and yet no one molested us, 
or tried to stop us. 

An hour of most intense anxiety passed in getting clear of 
this dreadful place, Bitboor. When we had left it about two 



ADVENTURES OP JUDGE EDWARDS. 387 

miles behind, Dhunna Singh, who as well as myself had not 
closed an eye all night, came in and lay down under the cover 
of the boat, and, assuring lis that we were now all right, said 
he could take a sleep. Soon after we had the great joy of see- 
ing Cawnpore in the distance. 

Owing to the frequent turns of the river, and a high contrary 
wind which had sprung up, we were a weary long time in ap- 
proaching the station. 

Just as our hopes of safety appeared on the verge of accom- 
plishment, they suddenly seemed about to be entirely defeated ; 
for the wind caught our boat, and in spite of the efforts of the 
rowers, who were by this time thoroughly worn-out, drove us 
half across to the Oude side of the river. We then, for the first 
time, became aware that this bank was occupied by a body of 
the enemy watching the Cawnpore force. Their tents became 
distinctly visible ; and, as we were being driven across, we 
heard their drums and bugles sounding the alarm ; as they, I 
fancy, took us for a reconnoitering party. We expected that 
they would fire at us ; but fortunately they did not, and the 
wind falling we were enabled, after much labor, to get back 
again to our own side. 

Soon after we came upon a picket of Sikhs posted near the 
old Magazine. This was the most joyful sight our eyes had 
seen for many a weary day and night. The party, not imag- 
ining that, by any possibility, the boat could contain friends, 
came down to oppose us, and were capping their muskets to 
fire, when Wuzeer Singh hailed them in their own dialect, in- 
forming them who we were. The native officer in command, 
and all the men, then came forward to congratulate us on our 
escape, at which they seemed as heartily rejoiced as if they had 
been our own countrymen. They told us to drop down the 
stream till we came to the camp where our troops were in- 
trenched, which we should know by a steamer being moored 
below. We left them, and in about half an hour reached the 



388 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

landing. After some troiiLle, owing to the violence of the 
wind and strength of the current, we succeeded in making our 
hoat fast to another along side the steamer. Then, indeed, with 
grateful and overflowing hearts, we stepped on shore, feeling 
that at last we were saved and among our own countrymen. 

We landed about two o'clock, P. M., of the 31st of August, 
just twenty-seven hours after we started, during which time we 
had run the gauntlet for more than one hundred and fifty miles 
of river way, through the midst of the enemy's country. A 
picket of Her Majesty's 84th Regiment was on duty at the 
ghaut. The men congregated round us, and even our own 
flesh and blood could not have more repeatedly or warmly 
congratulated us on our safety than they did ; they were very 
tender of poor Mrs. Probyn, and insisted on carrying the chil- 
dren and our little baggage to wherever we wished to go. On 
learning that the magistrate's tent was a few yards ojBf, at the 
top of the bank, I immediately went there, and found Sherer, 
of our service. On announcing myself — for being in native 
dress he could not recognize me — he was as much surprised as 
if he had seen an apparition ; for I had long been reported 
among the killed at Futtehghur. I can never forget his hearty 
welcome. 

I was just able to tell him that the Probyns and their chil- 
dren were down at the boat, and beg of him to go and bring 
them, when, as he rushed off for that purpose, every thing 
seemed to swim around me, and I fell on the ground from ex- 
citement and exhaustion. Sherer soon after returned with the 
Probyns, and by that time I had recovered myself. When we 
had all collected in the tent, our first question was as to the 
fate of the party who had left Futtehghur, and of whom we 
hoped that some had escaped. Then, for the first time, we 
heard the truth, that they had I'eally all been murdered ; that 
not one had survived. We also heard of the awful massacre 
at Cawnpore, of which only vague rumors had hitherto reached 



ADVENTURES OF JUDGE EDWARDS. 389 

US, too terrible to admit of credence. We could scarcely be- 
lieve tbat we four persons and the two children are the sole sur- 
vivors of that large body of our country people, men, women, 
and children, 

Sherer got rooms prepared for us in a house fitted up as a 
hotel, close to his tents, and just beyond the intronchment occii- 
pied by our troops. To get to this place we were obliged to 
pass the house in which the slaughter had been perpetrated, and 
the well where so many of those dear friends lie, whom we 
had so lately parted with in full strength and vigor. 

When we found ourselves in a house again, for the first time 
for three months, and in a position of comparative security, 
we felt c[uite awe-struck ; and, with hearts overflowing with 
thankfulness, we kneeled down together to bless our God, who 
had so wonderfully "delivered us from the hand of the enemy, 
and from those who lay in wait for us by the way." 



390 HEKOES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 



SIR HENRY LAWRENCE 

AND THE DEFENSE OF LUC KNOW. 

On the proud roll of Indian hero-martyrs, one of the first 
places belongs, of right, to the name of Henry Lawrence. The 
full worth of his career is, perhaps, not so well known as it 
should be ; but in India, by common consent, Henry Lawrence 
had been the foremost man of the public service since Lord 
Dalhousie's happy choice made him ruler of the Punjaub. Sir 
Henry Lawrence is, indeed, the glory of the late Indian history, 
as Clive is of the earlier — the dift'erence between the characters 
of the two men illustrating the change which a hundred years 
have made in the spirit of Indian statesmanship. The rude, 
rough age of battle and conquest found its apt representative in 
the daring and reckless genius of the older hero ; while in the 
later is typified all that purer and kindlier spirit in which we 
interpret our present duties toward the subject people of India. 
And it is the highest merit of Sir Henry Lawrence that he was 
the first to comprehend and to carry out that milder and more 
genial policy in the conquered provinces, which is henceforth 
the basis of all solid government in India. For such a duty 
never was man more happily fitted. To deep wisdom and rare 
sagacity he united that sweetness of nature which is the inva- 
riable attribute of the true hero. A man never breathed of a 
purer soul and loftier purpose. Earnest, simple, and tender, 
withal manly and self-contained, his fine nature was admirably 
calculated to win love and trust, to arouse the enthusiasm of 



SIR HENRY LAWRENCE. 391 

every generous and noble heart, and to overcome even those 
wild spirits intrusted to his dominion. 

Called, almost by acclamation, to the administration of 
the Punjaub, when yet a simple Captain of Artillery, notably 
did Henry Lawrence justify an appointment, so irregular, ac- 
cording to all official precedent ; and in estimating the extraor- 
dinary results of that administration, let us remember what 
kind of poople it was over whom he was set as absolute Gov- 
ernor. A more arduous governorship was never undertaken. 

In proportion to the difficulty of the work must be our admi- 
ration for the manner in which Sir Henry Lawrence dealt with 
this rugged people, and, like another Odysseus, 

" Through soft degrees, 
Subdued them to the peaceful and the good." 

The only other parallel instance of administrative genius is 
that of Sir Charles Napier, in Scinde. The career of either 
hero is a striking example of what may be done by the mere 
force of individual character in the government of a barbarous 
people. Of the two perhaps Lawrence was the more success- 
ful ruler, by virtue of his gentler and more self-sustained tem- 
perament. Certainly, among the marvels achieved by English- 
men in India, there is nothing equal to the pacification of the 
Punjaub. The genius of England for dominion was never 
more strikingly demonstrated. All this is due to Henry Law- 
rence. It was his genius which conceived and carried through 
that system to Avhich she owes the preservation of India. The 
work which he undertook in the Punjaub was nothing short of 
an absolute reconstruction of the state. In five short years he 
had done it. He had brought order out of chaos, law out of 
anarchy, peace out of war ; he had broken up the feudal sys- 
tem and established a direct relation between the government 
and people ; he had dissolved the power of the great sirdars ; 
he had disbanded a vast Prastorian army and disarmed a whole 



392 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

population ; he had made Lahore as safe to the Englishman as 
Calcutta. And all this he had done without any recourse to 
violence, and with scarcely a murmur on the part of the con- 
quered people. Even the chiefs,, who saw themselves deprived 
of almost sovereign power, accepted quietly, almost without ex- 
ception, the new condition of things. As for the mass of the 
people, they had abundant reason to be satisfied with a change 
which, for the first time, gave them security for life and prop- 
erty, and all that immense practical good which, let the critics 
of English dominion in India say what they will, invariably 
attends the presence of the British constable in any part of the 
world. 

The effect of Sir Henry Lawrence's policy — in which he was 
ably seconded by his colleagues, his equally-famous brother, 
and Mr. Mansel — has been a thorough revolution in the social 
state of the Punjaub. The old soldiers of the Runjeet Singh 
have either taken service with the English, or have been ab- 
sorbed in the body of the peaceful population. The majority 
af them have returned to agriculture. " The stanch foot-sol- 
dier," says the Second Punjaub Report, "has become the steady 
cultivator, and the brave officer is now the sturdy village elder. 
The great chiefs, if deprived of the principal portion of their 
authority, have been confirmed in all their just possessions, and 
their younger scions display a great ambition for civil employ- 
ment under the British Government, for which, by an excellent 
educational system, they are being rapidly qualified." 

In regard to the tenure of the land, the most important, per- 
haps, of all the questions between sovereign and people in 
India, the measures adopted by Sir Henry Lawrence are a 
model for all future Indian government, and admirably illus- 
trate his rare sagacity and judgment. The transfer of the 
lands usurped by the great sirdars was so made as scarcely to 
draw a complaint even from the dispossessed holders. The re- 
sumption of estates was made to bear as lightly as possible on 



SIR HENRY LAWRENCE. 393 

the existing proprietors. Every respect was paid to old-estab- 
lished rights and local customs. The pi'ivate Jagheerdars — an 
exceptional class who hold by special tenure for eminent mili- 
tary service — were left in full possession ; and fresh grants 
liberally made to those who had done similar service for us. 
Life pensions were granted to others whom the rigorous justice 
of the British could not recognize. The land-tax was reduced 
by one-fourth, yet in the second year of annexation the total 
amount of revenue had reached the fullest amount ever realized 
under Eunjeet Singh. 

The latter days of the hero's life were worthy of his Punjaub 
career. Perhaps none of the English officers were so perilously 
situated at the commencement of the mutiny. Appointed too 
late to the administration of Oude, when already suffering from 
a mortal complaint, the fruit of his past devotion to the public 
service, he had barely assumed the reins of power ere the revolt 
had burst out. The mischief had already been done, and it 
was too late to arrest the progress of events. The task before 
Sir Henry Lawrence was hopeless from the beginning, yet he 
did not shrink from it. The time had gone by for reconciling 
the nobility of Oude to our sway. The summary and ill-judged 
policy of Lawrence's predecessor in the settlement of the lands, 
had alienated all the great talooJcdars, and inspired general dis- 
content and misgiving. Sir Henry Lawrence had always pro- 
tested against the absolute dispossession of the great landholders, 
whom custom and long tenure, if not right, had given a sort 
of title ; and there can be no doubt now that to the adoption 
of a policy contrary to the Punjaub precedent, rather than to 
any national feeling on the score of the annexation, is to be 
attributed the present rebellion in Oude — from the beginning 
something more than a military revolt. And in estimating the 
danger of Sir Henry Lawrence's position, it is to be remembered 
that he alone, of all the British officials, had to contend with a 
disaffected people as well as a mutinous soldiery. To do this, 



394 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

he had a total European force of nine linndred men ! Upon his 
success or failure there hinged the vital interests of the empire. 
The province of Oude is the heart of India. Had it been lost 
as completely as was Rohilcund or Delhi, there would have been 
no safety for the Europeans outside the walls of Fort William. 
The whole rebel horde would have poured into our home 
provinces, overpowered the feeble garrisons on the way, and 
annihilated the small British bands under Havelock and Neill. 
That such were not the results is due to the vigor and foresight 
with which Sir Henry Lawrence met the revolt at its birth, and 
to the heroic endurance of the Lucknow garrison, of which he 
was the head and soul. From the first overt act of mutiny on 
the 3d of May, 1857, to the time of his death, there was nothing 
left undone by Sir Henry Lawrence which it was in the power 
of mortal man to do, to stem the tide of revolt and to maintain 
the British authority. 

In the pages of the Diary of the Defense of Lucknow, which 
follow, the heroism of Sir Henry will be illustrated, as well as 
that of other men. 

THE DIAKT, 

Ten days before the outbreak it was expected, and Sir Henry 
Lawrence ordered all kinds of stores to be purchased. 

On the evening of the 30th of May, a Sepoy, of the 13th 
Native Infantry, who had received a reward from Sir Henry for 
having assisted in the capture of a spy, came to Captain Wil- 
son, of the 13th Native Infantry, and said he could not help 
reporting that there would be a rising among the Sepoy regi- 
ments, to be commenced in the lines of the 71st Native Infantry 
that evening at about 8 or 9 o'clock, P. M. ; but he was not 
certain at what hour. His manner in giving this information 
was earnest and impressive. 

On that evening every thing went on as usual ; all remained 
quiet in the cantonments, where Sir Henry Lawrence was resid- 



SIR HENRY LAWRENCE. 395 

ing. Some days previously the ladies and children had heen 
removed to the Residency in the city, which place had already 
been occupied by a party of the 32d Foot and two guns. The 
9 o'clock, P. M., gun was fired, and was evidently the precon- 
certed signal for the mutiny ; for a few minutes after, while Sir 
Henry Lawrence and his staff were at dinner at the Residency, 
a Sepoy came running in and reported a disturbance in the 
•lines. Two shots were heard in the 71st lines. The horses of 
the staff were at once ordered, and they proceeded to the lines. 
On the way, more dropping shots were heard from the left of 
the 71st lines. The party arrived in the camp, where about 
three hundred men were posted, and found them all on the 
alert. These were posted in a position on the extreme right of 
the 71st lines — the whole front of which they swept — and they 
were also contiguous to the road leading from cantonments to 
the city. 

Sir Henry Lawrence immediately took two guns and a com- 
pany of the 32d with him on the road leading to the town, and 
there took post ; thereby blocking up the road, and effectually 
cutting off all access to the city. He sent back soon after for 
reinforcements of the Europeans and for two more guns. In 
the mean time the officers of the several regiments had pro- 
ceeded at once to their respective lines. Bands of insurgents 
had meanwhile made their way among the officers' bungalows, 
keeping up as they went a desultory fire, which prevented many 
from passing the roads toward the lines. One of the first of 
these parties made straight for the mess- house of the 71st Native 
Infantry, whence the officers had escaped but a few minutes be- 
fore. They exhibited great bloodthirstiness, making every 
search for the officers, and ending by firing the house. On 
several shots being fired from the 71st lines on the 32d Foot 
and guns, the order was given to open with grape ; on which a 
rush was made by the Sepoys to the rear ; when they passed the 
infantry picket, which is situate in the center of cantonments. 



396 HEROES OF THE INDIAN EEBELLION. 

The picket was under the command of Lieutenant Grant, of the 
71st Native Infantry. His men remained with him till the 
mutineers were close upon him. They then broke ; but the sub- 
adar of the guard, and some men of the 13th and 48th Regi- 
ments, composing the guard, tried to save him by placing him 
under a bed. A man of the 71st Native Infantry, who was on 
guard with him, however, discovered the place of his conceal- 
ment to the mutineers, and he was there brutally murdered — 
receiving no less than fifteen bayonet wounds, besides some 
from musket balls. 

From the first. Lieutenant Hardinge, taking with him some 
few sowars of his Irregular Cavalry, patrolled up and down the 
main street of the cantonments, and went to the officers' messes 
on the chance of saving any lives. In the compound of the 
71st mess he was fired at by a mutineer, who then rushed upon 
him with his bayonet, which pierced his arm. More than once 
the cantonments were thus patrolled by Lieutenant Hardinge 
under a smart fire, with the same humane intentions ; but not 
in sufficient force to prevent the burning and plundering of the 
officers' bungalows, and of the bazars. The excitement in the 
lines continued ; while the 32d remained quietly in position, 
awaiting the advent of the remnants of the regiments who had 
remained true to their colors. A remnant of the 13th Native 
Infantry, about two hundred men, with colors and treasure, 
came up ; and, according to previous arrangement, joined and 
fell in on the right of the 32d. A small portion of the 71st, 
without being able to save their colors or their treasure — through 
the disaffection of the native officer on duty — also came up and 
took post next the 32d Foot. Of the 48th nothing was heard 
till 10 o'clock, A. M., next day. About 10 o'clock, P. M., 
many of the mutineers had made their way up to some empty 
artillery lines, outside the 71st Native Infantry lines, whence 
they commenced firing. Brigadier Handscomb, who had come 
up from the rear of the 71st lines, was killed by a stray shot 



SIR HENRY LAWRENCE. 397 

from this place : just as lie had readied the left flank of the 
32d, he fell dead off his horse. The bungalows throughout the 
cantonments were most of them on fire. No attempt was 
subsequently made to attack the position. To secure the Res- 
idency bungalow, and that portion of the cantonment next the 
city road, four guns and a company and a half were taken up 
to the cantonment Residency, and the guns placed at each gate. 
All was now quiet, and the remainder of the night passed away 
without any further event. Nothing had been seen or heard of 
the 48th Native Infantry. Many officers had most wonderful 
escapes from death. Lieutenant and Adjutant Chambers, of the 
IStli Native Infantry, was severely wounded in the leg, while 
effecting his escape from the magazine where he had taken a 
guard of his regiment. 

May Slst. — At daylight the foi'ce, consisting of some com- 
panies of Her Majesty's 32d Foot, and the remnants of the 
native regiments, about one hundred men 71st, and two hun- 
dred and twenty men 13th Native Infantry, with part of the 7tli 
Cavalry, and four guns, advanced down the parade in front of 
the lines of the several regiments. From the lines of the 13th 
Native Infantry about fifty men came, and said they had saved 
the magazine of that regiment. Hearing that the body of the 
rebels had retired toward the race-course, where they had plun- 
dered the lines of the 7th Cavalry, and murdered Cornet Ra- 
leigh of that regiment — who had been left there sick — the whole 
force of cavalry and infantry, with four guns, proceeded thither, 
leaving Colonel Case with a portion of the 32d in position in 
cantonments. On arriving in the open plain, a body of about 
one thousand, two hundred men were seen in line in the dis- 
tance, drawn up to the race-course. Many of the cavalry gal- 
loped over at once to the insurgents. The guns then opened 
with round shot, which dispersed them, and they made the best 
of their way across country, followed immediately by the 
cavalry and guns, and, at a greater distance, by the infantry. 



398 HEROES OP THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

No opportunity offered for the guns to again open, owing to the 
celerity of their flight ; but the cavalry hovered round and took 
about sixty prisoners, who were brought into cantonments. 
The pursuit continued in the same order till the guns were 
stopped by a nullah, over which they could not cross. The 
cavalry, however, continued their pursuit, and kept it up for 
some ten miles. By 10 o'clock, A. M., the force had returned 
to cantonments, as the heat was excessive. 

As most of the bungalows were burned — the officers having 
lost every thing — the troops were moved into camp. The usual 
guards were kept by the native regiments, and the cantonments 
regularly occupied. Owing to this, the neighboring country 
seemed to be reassured. Supplies came in regularly, and in 
plenty. The exertions of all were redoubled to complete the 
defenses, and collect stores and supplies in Muchee Bhawun and 
the city Residency. The former post, originally occupied by 
the dependents of the late king, had been selected by Sir Henry 
Lawrence as a fitting place of security and retreat, in case mat- 
ters took an unfavorable turn. On the 16th of May, immedi- 
ately on the receipt of intelligence from Meerut of the com- 
mencement of the outbreak, this stronghold, then in a very 
dilapidated condition, was occupied by the light company of the 
13th and some guns, and measures were taken for its thorough 
cleansing. Supplies continued to be brought in and stored. 

On the evening of the day on which the troops returned from 
the pursuit of the rebels, an insurrection took place in the city 
toward Hosainabad ; the standard of the prophet was raised, 
and other means of religious persuasion used to excite the popu- 
lace. The police of the city, under the energetic superintend- 
ence of Captain Carnegie, behaved well, and the movement was 
at once quelled, and the standard taken. News of the emeute 
at this place had by this time reached the district, and the rising, 
of the neighboring stations was to be looked for. 

On the afternoon of the 4th June, parties of ladies and 



SIR HENRY LAWRENCE, 399 

officers of the 41st Native Infantry, escorted by about twenty- 
five men of the regiment, who had remained faithful, came in, 
bringing the news of the mutiny at Seetapore, and of the deaths 
of Lieutenant-Colonel Bireh, commanding the regiment there, 
of Mr. Christian, and of other civilians and ladies. On the 
5th news came of the mutiny at Cawnpore, but no particu- 
lars. Reports of all kinds were rife among the bazars ; but no 
authentic intelligence could be procured, as the telegraph wire 
was cut. From Benares the news came in of the 37th Native 
Infantry having mutinied, and of their having been overpowered 
by the rest of the force there. 

June 10th. — The defenses at the city Residency, as well as the 
Muchee Bhawun, were increased, and houses and buildings 
around them began at once to be demolished. Large stacks 
of firewood were made, and houses and tents set apart for the 
occupation of the European refugees, who were arriving from 
the districts daily. Provisions of all sorts continued to be 
stored, including one hundred and ten hogsheads of beer just 
arrived from Cawnpore, 

Besides the two important posts noted above, the range of 
buildings toward the Hosainabad quarter of the town were oc- 
cupied by two thousand police under the direction of Captain 
Carnegie ; a thoiisand more were ordered to be raised, and 
officers of the 41st were put in command of each of the police 
battalions. This day we heard, by native report, that General 
Wheeler was defending himself in the intrenchments at Cawn- 
pore ; but no lett* was received. 

June lltk. — Early this morning a false alarm was brought in 
from the Cawnpore road that the enemy was upon us. Cap- 
tain Evans, who had been sent out to gain information, re- 
turned with the above report, which created, for a short period, 
some needless alarm. We continued hard at work getting in 
supplies and adding to our defenses. Many vague I'eports of 
disturbances were in circulation to-day. 



400 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

Jane \1tli. — On this day an instance of disaffection from 
within the camp occurred. The regiment of military police, 
commanded by Captain Orr, mutinied in a body, rushed to 
their lines, seized their arms, and then set off in the direction 
of Cawnpore, giving themselves no time to inflict any damage 
in their quarter of the city. So great was their haste that they 
failed to empty their own barracks, and left behind them their 
clothes and baggage. Information of this was given to head- 
quarters, on which two guns of Major Kaye's battery, two com- 
panies of Her Majesty's 32d, and some seventy Sikhs of the 
1st Oude Irregular Cavalry, the whole under the command of 
Colonel Inglis, were dispatched after them. They were pur- 
sued for some eight miles before they were come up with, and 
it was only by pushing on the cavalry and guns, Avithout wait- 
ing for the slower movements of the infantry, that they were 
overtaken at all. 

The guns opened fire as soon as practicable ; they had come 
up well over some difficult ground, but their horses were, in 
consequence, so done up that there was some difficulty in 
taking up the most desirable position. Once the cavalry 
charged well, but neither the result of their charge, nor of the 
practice of the artillery, was such as might have been expected. 
The enemy's loss was not exactly ascertained, but it was sup- 
posed that they had some twenty killed, and ten prisoners were 
brought in. Of Captain Forbes's men two Pathans were 
killed on the spot, and some others, including a gallant old 
native officer, wounded. Mr. Thornhill, of the civil service, 
charging with them, was also wounded. All this time the in- 
fantry were far behind, unable to get up. A village lay to the 
front, in which many of the insurgents had taken refuge. 
Colonel Inglis forbade its bombardment, as it would have 
entailed much injury to innocent villagers ; and the evening 
was by that time so far advanced that the measure would prob- 
ably not have sufficed to dislodge the mutineers. 



,1 .iPn'i "ill 1 1 'ir llii '\ g^j 




SIR HENRY LAWRENCE. 401 

About an hour remained to sunset ; the guns and cavalry 
were a long way from the infantry and many miles further 
from home. A return movement was, therefore, ordered and 
accomplished successfully ; the whole force returned about 
eight o'clock, having gone over some sixteen or eighteen miles 
of ground. 

The Europeans had marched well to the front. It was a 
hard day's work for them, and two men were lost from apo- 
plexy, for the heat was dreadful. 

June \Zth. — Shot and shell both brought' down to the garri- 
son from Muchee Bhawun — about three-quarters of a mile. 
Unabated exertions to add to the defenses of the garrison. 

The 13th Eegiment of Native Infantry, one hundred and 
seventy rank and file, came down from cantonments and en- 
camped in the Residency compound. Ineffectual efforts to 
blow down the Furrahd JBuksh Gateway. Three or four cases 
of cholera occurred at Fort Muchee Bhawun. Officers' serv- 
ants began to desert. Intelligence was received from Fyzabad 
of the mutiny of all the troops there. Heat beyond endurance. 

June 14:th. — Several cases of cholera and small-pox. 

June Ibth. — All officers of the cantonments ordered down to 
the garrison. 

June 16th. — This morning twenty-two conspirators, emissa- 
ries from Benares and elsewhere, wlio had been sent to coi-rupt 
the troops at this place, were captured in a house in the center 
of the city. Information having been given to Captain 
Hughes, commanding the 4th Irregular Infantry, he directed 
two stanch native officers to put themselves on the watch, and 
to pretend participation in the disaffection. This they did, 
and by this means, with Captain Carnegie's assistance, Cap- 
tain Hughes was enabled to effect the capture of these inciters 
to mutiny. They were forthwith brought to a drum-head court- 
martial, and the whole of them condemned to death. 

June 22d. — Sir Henry Lawrence made an excursion as far as 

34 



402 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

the Hosainabad Kolwallee, garrisoned by nearly three thousand 
police and others, and inspected them and the defenses of that 
place. He also visited the Dowlut Khana, an old magazine, 
and, on his return, went over the Muchee BhaAvun defenses. 
All our available spare carts, hackeries, and wagons were 
to-day employed in bringing in the guns found yesterday. 
Many of them were of large size. The unroofing and clearing 
away of houses continued without intermission, and every exer- 
tion was made to remove any thing which might afford cover 
in the immediate vicinity of our defenses. 

June 1\th. — Heavy clouds and every appearance of rain 
throughout the day, but none fell ; heat excessive. Sir Henry 
Lawrence proceeded at daybreak as usual, attended by his staff 
and two orderlies from the volunteer cavalry, and inspected the 
Dowlut Khana, Seesh Muhal, Imaumbarah Kolwallee, and Mu- 
chee Bhawun ; and in the evening he proceeded five miles on the 
Fyzabad road, to ascertain if there was a good position we 
could take up, in case of an advance of the rebels in that di- 
rection. 

Native reports describe the force at Cawnpore as being hard 
pressed ; native reports from Allahabad were good. Much 
progress made in knocking down and unroofing the houses in 
the immediate vicinity of the Muchee Bhawun and Residency. 
The Racket Court was now filled with bhoosa for the cattle and 
thatched in. We were supposed to have nearly three months' 
supply of provisions now stored. The mutineers were reported 
to have arrived at Nawabgunge — eighteen miles distant — and 
were said to have with them some sixteen guns. 

June Ihth. — The tower at the Muchee Bhawun was carried on 
this day with great ardor. Crowds of coolies were employed 
under the direction of Lieutenant Innes, of the Engineers. This 
defense was to command the stone bridge, the Imaumbara, and 
a number of high mosques facing that side of the Muchee Bha- 
wun. Elephants were yoked to one of the heaviest guns ; 



SIR HENRY LAWRENCE. 403 

luckily there was some gear for the purpose, and the experi- 
ment turned out successful. 

A native rumor reported the arrival of a strong force of mu- 
tineers at Nawahgunge, where it was said they were to remain 
till they had consolidated their force. Good news came in to- 
day from Allahabad in a letter from the officer commanding the 
1st Madras Fusileers, dated the 18th of June, in answer to one 
dispatched from this place on the 15th instant. Colonel Neil's 
letter gave little or no detail, beyond stating that he assumed 
command of the fort on the 11th instant; that there had been 
much fighting, but all the mutineers were entirely broke and 
dispersed, and the cantonments reoccupied. Cholera broke out 
on the 18th among the Fusileers, who in two days had had 
among them one hundred cases, forty of which had proved 
fatal. Every effort was being made to push on troops to Cawn- 
pore, but the road was not open, and carriage was difficult to 
procure ; also that Her Majesty's 84th were close at hand, and 
that the telegraphic communication had been reestablished be- 
tween Calcutta and Allahabad. No authentic intelligence from 
Cawnpore, and much anxiety was felt regarding the force 
there. 

All appearance of rain had gone off, and the heat was almost 
insupportable. The river had risen about a foot and a half, and 
was no longer fordable. A letter was received from Mrs. Dorin, 
stating that she was residing in a hut close to Seetapore, solicit- 
ing money and assistance, and reporting the murder' of her 
husband. Numbers of gun-barrels and locks were brought in 
from the old magazine, where a great quantity of crow's-feet 
were found, and ordered to be brought in to-morrow. Behind 
Mr. Ommanney's house, a very large battery was commenced 
by Lieutenant Hutchinson. Quantities of grass and stores 
were brought in. 

June 1'oth. — This morning Sir Henry Lawrence, accompanied 
by his staff, as usual inspected the principal buildings in the 



404 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. • 

vicinity of the Muchee Bhawun and the new round tower, at 
which great progress had been made, and in which not less than 
three hundred coolies were at work. Proceeding thence he in- 
spected the newly-completed defenses opposite the Kolwallee. 
On his return, Sir H. Lawrence received a letter from Major 
Raikes, at Mynpoorie, giving intelligence of the capture of the 
city of Delhi on the 13th instant — this afterward turned out to 
be a false report. A royal salute was ordered to be fired from 
the Residency, Muchee Bhawun, and cantonments, and afeu-de- 
joie was fired by the Irregulars, who were quartered in the 
Dowlut Khana, under the command of Brigadier Gray. Many 
useful stores, consisting of unwrought materials, rope, and 
platforms, were brought in from the old magazine. Consider- 
able progress was made in a new battery for heavy guns, which 
had been commenced in the rear of Mr. Ommanney's house. 

In the afternoon a letter, dated June 23d, was received from 
Colonel Neil, commanding at Allahabad, reporting all well 
there ; that seven hundred and fifty Europeans had arrived, and 
that one thousand more would be with him on the next day ; 
that every effort was being made to dispatch four hundred Eu- 
ropeans, two guns, and three hundred Sikhs to Cawnpore, but 
that much difficulty was experienced in procuring carriage. 

Also, at sunset, a letter was received from Sir H. M. Wheel- 
er, K. C.B., dated the 24th instant, detailing his losses, and 
giving an account of the outbreak, and stating that he had sup- 
plies for only eight or ten days at the farthest. His letter was 
replied to at once, and he was informed by Sir Henry Law- 
rence of the news received from Allahabad, and also that in 
ten days at th^e farthest he would receive aid from Allahabad, 
and that he must husband his resources as much as possible ; 
that the force at Lucknow was threatened by an attack from 
eight or ten regiments, three or four of which were within 
twenty miles. 

A reward of one lac of rupees was offered this day for the 



SIR HENRY LAWRENCE. 405 

capture, within a week, dead or alive, of the Nana, at Cawn- 
pore, and means were taken to have the proclamation widely 
disseminated. With the larger battery commenced to the south, 
behind Mr. Ommanney's house, we had three large batteries in 
progress, and were also busily employed in destroying, as far 
as possible, any buildings that might give cover in the vicinity. 
Five or six elephants were in course of training to drag heavy 
guns, so as to enable us to move out without delay, should cir- 
cumstances require a heavy gun to be taken out. 

June '"Hth. — This morning a letter from Lieutenant Burnes 
was received. It gave an account of the mutiny at Seetapore, 
and of the escape of himself. Sir M. Jackson, Bart., and sis- 
ters — one of whom had been carried off for some days by the 
Sepoys and brought back — and some others, to a place called 
Mitowlee, where they claimed and received the protection — 
charily given — of a rajah ; they were then all in the jungles, 
suflFering the greatest hardships. It also mentioned the safety 
of another party with Captain Hearsey ; who, however, were 
also in the jungles. Many of these seem to have had the most 
hair-breadth escapes. No rain had yet fallen, and the heat was 
most oppressive. The cholera had abated during the past few 
days, but several cases of small-pox had, however, occurred. 
The river was reported to have fallen a foot since yesterday. 

A report was in circulation early in the day, that General 
Wheeler had made tei-ms with "the Nana " at Cawnpore ; but 
few believed it, and in the evening it was reported incorrect, as 
heavy firing had been heard yesterday at Cawnpore from Bun- 
nee. Three boxes of crow's-feet and a great number of musket- 
barrels and unwrought stores were brought in from the old 
magazine at the Dowlut Khana ; also a very large quantity of 
gun-carriage wheels. The force at Nawabgunge was said to be 
increasing, but very undecided as to what to do. A great force 
of coolies were at work, and much progress was made in the 
defenses at Muchee Bhawun and the Residency. 



406 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

June 2&th. — This morning at about 3 o'clock, A. M., we had 
a heavy fall of rain, which continued with slight intervals till 
7 o'clock, A. M. Sir Henry Lawrence proceeded to Hosaina- 
bad and examined the defensive preparations made there ; re- 
turning by the Muchee Bhawun, he found that the buildings 
occupied by the 32d had hardly leaked at all. 

It having been reported that there were many jewels and 
valuables in the king's palace, which might fall into the hands 
of the mutineers, a party under Major Banks were sent out to 
fetch them in ; which they did about 6 o'clock, P. M., and re- 
ported that they had discovered a large gun. 

About 7 o'clock, P. M., three different natives brought in the 
very sad and distressing news that the Cawnpore force, having 
no more ammunition left, had entered into a treaty with their 
enemies, after which they had all been treacherously murdered, 
as they embarked in boats to proceed down the river to Alla- 
habad. 

Mrs. Dorin, wife of Lieutenant Dorin, who lately commanded 
the 10th Regiment Oude L'regular Forces, arrived this evening 
in a country cart, disguised as a native, and accompanied by 
some clerks. She was for very many days secreted in a village 
close to Seetapore, and her escape is wonderful. The Sergeant- 
Major's wife of the 9th Regiment Oude L-regular Infantry also 
arrived in a dhoolie, severely wounded. From 8 to 10 o'clock 
P. M., it rained heavily. A letter, dated the 21st June, re- 
ceived from Benares from Mr. Gubbins, giving an account of 
the number of Europeans coming up the country, and de- 
scribing the state of Benares and Allahabad ; reporting also an 
action at Delhi on the 8th instant, when the British troops 
captured twenty-six guns. 

June 2^th. — This morning a brass gun, a twenty-one-pounder, 
which had been accidentally discovered yesterday by the party 
who had been dispatched under Major Banks, to bring in valua- 
bles from the palace, was brought in, carriage and wagon all 



SIR HENRY LAWRENCE. 407 

completely ready for immediate service. Some grape-shot and 
powder, chiefly damaged, was also found in an adjacent house. 

The people in charge of the palace, without giving a thought 
to resistance as it was at fii-st expected they might do, neverthe- 
less showed an evident reluctance to give information where the 
arms, etc., Avere stored. However, it came out at last, that 
there were more arms within the palace, and a party was dis- 
patched to secure them. Seven cart-loads were hrought in ; 
chiefly flint muskets, with a few spears, etc. ; four small guns 
were also discovered and brought in. 

A small party of volunteers, cavaliy — twelve men, including 
officers — were sent along the Cawnpore road to bring in infor- 
mation. After going some twelve miles, they returned, having 
learned that there were some two or three regiments not far off 
them. Captain Forbes, with the Sikh Cavalry, was sent oflf 
at sunrise to patrol the Nawabgunge road. Six men were also 
sent on the Sultanpore road to gain information. Both the 
parties returned at sunset. Captain Forbes bringing intelligence 
that the enemy were at Chinat, nine miles off. 

Our defenses progressed, but labor was not so easy to procure 
as it had been some days before. 
** **** ** 

The enemy being in strength so near, it was deemed advisa- 
ble to withdraw the troops from cantonments, which was 
quietly done at sunset ; and it being expected that the enemy 
would march on Lucknow, Sir Henry Lawrence thought it 
advisable to move out with a strong force, hoping to meet 
and oppose them before they entered the suburbs of the city. 
In order to prevent any notice reaching the enemy of the in- 
tended movement, the orders were not given out publicly till 3 
o'clock on the following morning, and at the same hour twenty 
Sikhs under Lieutenant Birch were to be sent to the Iron 
Bridge, in order to prevent any one crossing over with intelli- 
gence of the movement to the enemy. 



m 
408 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

June %^tli. — Pursuant to orders, a force, comprising one hun- 
dred and fifty of the 32d from the Muchee Bhawun, one hundred 
and thirty of the 13th Native Infantry, forty Sikhs of the 13th 
Native Infantry, the 48th, numbering fifty bayonets, the Eu- 
ropean cavalry thirty-six strong, the Oude Irregular Cavalry, 
about ninety men, four of the guns of Kaye's batteiy — Eu- 
ropeans — two of Alexander's guns — natives — two of Bryce's 
guns — natives — and an eight-inch howitzer, found in the town 
a few days ago, and which was drawn by two elephants, as- 
sembled at the Iron Bridge at 5.45 A. M. The advance guard 
was composed of twenty-five Sikh Cavalry, and fifteen Eu- 
ropean Cavalry ; twenty Sikh Infantry, and twenty of the 32d 
Regiment ; the whole under the command of Captain Stevens, 
of the 32d Foot. 

The eight-inch howitzer, two guns of Alexander's battery, 
two of Kaye's battery, the 13th Native Infantry, two of Bryce's 
guns, and the detachment of the 32d Foot, formed the main 
body, and marched in the above order. The rear guard was 
composed of the 48th Native Infantry, under Colonel Palmer ; 
the whole force being under the personal command of Sir Henry 
Lawrence. It was the Brigadier-General's original intention 
only to proceed to the end of the Pucka road, to the village of 
Kocaralee ; and on their arrival there, our force was halted, 
and the Brigadier-General, with the advanced guard, proceeded 
about a mile to the front, whence no one was to be seen. The 
force was on the point of being ordered to return, when it was 
decided to make a further reconnoissance ; and soon after the 
en nny were fallen in with, in overwhelming numbers, and the 
force was compelled to retire with the loss of the eight-inch 
howitzer, and three nine-pounders. 

The enemy came boldly on, and invested us on all sides, 
firing from all the houses round, which they rapidly loop-holed ; 
they also erected a hasty battery for the eight-inch howitzer 
across the river, from which they threw several well-directed 



SIR HENRY LAWRENCE. 409 

shells ; and they began to collect boats for a bridge across the 
river, the Iron Bridge being under fire from the Redan. 

July \st. — The enemy threw in a very heavy fire of musketry 
all day and night. Early in the morning they advanced to 
attack, hut were repulsed on all sides with considerable loss 
from our shells, guns, and musketry. Mr. M'Eae, of the Civil 
Engineers Department, and Lieutenant Dashwood, 48th Native 
Infantry, were wounded, while assisting in working an eighteen- 
pounder in the Post-Office Battery. 

During the day attempts were made to get messengers to 
cross over to the Muchee Bhawun fort ; two or three men 
started, but as their success was very doubtful, it was determ- 
ined to work the telegraph on the top of the Residency. This 
had been previously arranged by the engineer in concert with 
one on the Muchee Bhawun ; it simply consisted of one post 
with a bar at the top, from which were suspended in one row 
black stuffed bags, each having its own pulley to w^ork it. 
After having attracted the attention of the Muchee Bhawun 
garrison, the greatest difficulty was found in working the tele- 
graph, from various causes ; the chief of which was the tre- 
mendous fire which the enemy opened on the spot directly they 
saw our people on the flat open roof of the Residency. It 
rained rifle balls, principally from the top of the jail, and 
some few of the ropes of the bags were actually cut by them ; 
then the pulleys went wrong, and twice the Avhole machine had 
to be taken down, and after readjustment put up again. After 
three hours' hard work under a broiling sun and a heavy fire, 
the transfer of messages was at last completed. 

The message was simply an order to blow up the place and 
come to the Residency at 12 P. M., bringing the treasure and 
guns, and destroying as much as possible all spare ammunition. 
The night was anxiously looked for, as the retreat of the re- 
tiring force might be intercepted, and the enemy had the advan- 
tage of position. To help the movement, the Brigadier-Gene- 

35 



410 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

ral gave orders that shortly before 12 P. M., the diflferent 
mortars and guns from our batteries should open fire, in order 
to distract the attention of the enemy. This was carried out ; 
especially toward the Iron Bridge, by which the force must pass. 

The movement was most successfully performed ; and so 
quick and noiseless was the march, that at 12.15 the head of 
the column was at the Lower Water Gate. Here there was 
some little delay, as the force not being so quickly expected, 
the gates had not been opened. A very serious accident had 
nearly happened in consequence of this, for the leading men, 
finding the gates closed, shouted out, " Open the gates," and 
the artillerymen at the guns above, which, loaded with grape, 
covered the entrance, mistook the words for " Open with 
grape," and were already at the guns, when an officer put 
them right. The whole force came in without a shot being 
fired. 

The explosion had not yet taken place ; but soon, a shake of 
the earth, a volume of fire, a terrific report, and an immense 
mass of black smoke shooting far up into the air, announced 
to Lucknow, that two hundred and forty barrels of gunpowder, 
and five hundred and ninety-four thousand rounds of ball and 
gun ammunition, had completed the destruction of Muchee 
Bhawun, which we had with so much labor provisioned and 
fortified. 

July Id. — Arrangements were made for posting and station- 
ing the Muchee Bhawun force which came in last night, and 
placing the field-pieces in position ; all of which Sir H. Law- 
rence himself personally sujjerintended. About 8 A. M. Sir 
Henry returned to the Eesidency, and, being much fatigued, 
lay down on his bed. Soon after an eight-inch shell from the 
eight-inch howitzer of the enemy entered the room at the win- 
dow, and exploding, a fragment struck the Brigadier-General 
on the upper part of the right thigh near the hip, inflicting a 
fearful wound. Captain Wilson, who was standing along side 



SIR HENRY LAWRENCE. 411 

tte bed witli one knee on it at the time, reading a memorandum 
to Sir Henry, was knocked down by falling bricks, and slightly 
wounded in the back by a piece of shell. Sir H. Lawrence's 
nephew, Mr. Lawrence, had an equally-narrow escape, being on 
another bed close by : he was not hurt ; the fourth individual 
in the room was a native servant, who lost one of his feet by a 
fragment of the shell. It was at once pronounced that Sir 
Henry Lawrence's wound was mortal, and his sufferings were 
great. He immediately sent for Major Banks, and appointed 
him to succeed him as Chief Commissioner, and appointed 
Colonel Inglis to command the troops. He was then removed 
to Dr. Fayrer's house, which was somewhat less under fire. 
About noon this day a round shot came into a room on the 
lower story of the Eesidenc)^ and shattered the thigh of Miss 
Palmer — daughter of Colonel Palmer, 48th Regiment Native 
Infantry — so dreadfully, that instant amputation was obliged to 
be resorted to. All the garrison were greatly grieved, and the 
natives much dispirited at our severe loss, in that popular and 
very distinguished officer. Sir Henry Lawrence. 

A perfect hurricane of jinjal, round shot, and musketry all day 
and all night. Probably not less than 10,000 men fired into 
our position from the surrounding houses ; the balls fell in 
showers, and hardly any place was safe from them. Many of 
the garrison were hit in places Avhich, before the siege, it was 
considered would be perfectly safe ; but the enemy fired some 
of them from a great distance out of the town, from the tops 
of high houses, and the balls fell every-where. 

July 3f?. — It is difficult to chronicle the proceedings of these 
few days, for every-where confusion reigned supreme. That un- 
fortunate day of Chin&t precipitated every thing, inasmuch as 
we were closely shut up several days before any thing of the 
kind was anticipated. People had made no arrangements for 
provisioning themselves : many, indeed, never dreamed of such 
a necessity ; and the few that had were generally too late. 



412 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

Again, many servants were sliut out the first day, and all at- 
tempts to approacli ns were met by a never-ceasing fusilade. 
But though they could not get in, they succeeded in getting 
out ; and after a few days, those who could boast of servants 
or attendants of any kind formed a very small and envied 
minority. The servants in many instances eased their masters 
of any superfluous article of value, easy of carriage. In fact, 
the confusion can be better imagined than described. 

The head of the Commissariat had, most unfortunately for 
the garrison, received a severe wound at Chinat, which effectually 
deprived them of his valuable aid. His office was all broken 
up : his goomastahs and baboos were not with us, and the 
officers appointed to assist him were all new hands. Besides 
all this, the first stores open were approachable only by one of 
the most exposed roads, and very many of the oamp-followers 
preferred going without food to the chance of being shot. 
Some did not know where to apply, so that for three or four 
days many went without rations ; and this in no small degree 
added to the number of desertions. Owing to these desertions, 
the commissariat and battery bullocks had no attendants to 
look after them, and Avent wandering all over the place looking 
for food ; they tumbled into wells, were shot down in numbers 
by the enemy, and added greatly to the labor which fell on 
the garrison, as fatigue parties of civilians and officers, after 
being in the defenses all day repelling the enemy's attack, were 
often employed six and seven hours burying cattle killed during 
the day, and which from the excessive heat became offensive in a 
few hours. The artillery and other horses were every-where to 
be seen loose, fighting and tearing at one another, driven mad 
for want of food and water ; the garrison being too busily em- 
ployed in the trenches to be able to secure them. 

Poor Sir H. Lawrence suffered somewhat less to-day, but was 
sinking fast, and at times his mind wandered. A. tremendous 
fire all day, more particularly on the Baillie Guard and Dr. 



SIR HENRY LAWRENCE. 413 

Favrer's house where Six- Henry was lying. We thus early in 
the siege learned that all our proceedings inside were known — 
through some party or other — to our enemies. Miss Palmer 
died to-da}^, and Mr. Ommanney, of the Civil Service, was 
dangerously wounded under the ear by a grape-shot, while in 
the Redan battery. 

July A.tk. — A tremendous fire all night ; but no effort was 
made to storm our position. To the great grief of our garrison. 
Sir Henry Lawrence died this morning about 8 o'clock, from 
the effects of his woimd. Shortly before his death, Mr. G. H. 
Lawrence, while standing in the front veranda of Dr. Fayrer's 
house, was wounded by a musket-ball through his right shoulder. 

At night there was a great uproar in the city, which 
evidently underwent a thorough plundering. Notwithstanding 
this, the same heavy fire was kept up throughout the night. 
Every one at work trying to throw up some shelter for himself. 
In the course of the day, a nine-pounder, brought by the in- 
surgents and placed behind a small mosque close to our furthest 
water-gate, was spiked by a private of the 32d and four others 
from Innes's post, who shot four of the enemy. The enemy 
were taken by .surprise while at their dinner. 

July bth. — From 2 till 6 o'clock, A. M., heavy rain ; and 
extremely-heavy firing all day. Several casualties among our 
garrison. A soldier of the 32d was said to have killed five 
men in ten shots from the Cawnpore battery, which was sub- 
jected to a very severe musketry fire. Continued efforts were 
made to collect all the horses and secure them, but it was im- 
possible to do any thing during the day. The fire was so heavy, 
and the night was so dark, it was difficult to get hold of the 
animals, who were half mad ; added to which four or five 
horses were killed daily, which had to be buried at night by 
parties of officers, who, after being exposed to a fearful sim in 
the trenches all day, were often out in the rain till 12 and 1 
o'clock in the morning, engaged in burying horses and bullocks, 



414 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

in ordei" to prevent the dreadful stench which would otherwise 
have been increased, and which had already become almost 
insupportable. 

July Qtfi. — The usual amount of musketry and cannon-fire all 
the morning ; about two o'clock in the afternoon it became 
very severe, especially toward the Baillie Guard, which seemed 
the favorite point to-day for the heaviest fire. A heavy can- 
nonade heard about three miles off for about half an hour. 
About four o'clock, P. M., the flashes of the guns were dis- 
tinctly seen. The cause was unknown. The enemy digging 
trenches in all directions. The carriage of one of our nine- 
pounders was disabled by the enemy. 

July 1th. — A heavy fire all the morning. 

A sortie was made by fifty of the 32d and twenty Sikhs, led 
by Captain Lawrence, Captain Mansfield, Ensign Green, 13th 
Native Infantry, and Ensign Studdy ; the latter led. The 
storming took place at noon. The object was to examine M. 
Johannes's house, and discover if the enemy were driving 
mines ; it was perfectly successful, and fifteen or twenty of the 
enemy were killed. Our loss was one Sikh and one 32d 
slightly, and one 32d severely wounded. 

This afternoon a very sad event occurred. Major Francis, 
13th Native Infantry, who had commanded at the Muchee Bha- 
wun, and who was in the command of the brigade mess square, 
was struck in the legs by a round shot, which completely frac- 
tured both legs, rendering amputation of one immediate, and 
great fears wei'e entertained for the other. He was a brave, 
good officer, and much respected by all, and one in whom Sir 
Henry Lawrence had much confidence. The calm manner in 
which he bore his misfortune gained him the sympathies of 
all. Not a murmur escaped him, his only anxiety being a 
hope that the authorities would bear testimony that he had 
performed his duty. The Rev. Mr. Polehampton, military 
chaplain, was severely wounded in the side this day by a rifle- 



SIR HENRY LAWRENCE. 415 

ball, while injiospital. One of the walls of the Racket Court, 
now used as a hhoosa gadown, fell in, and a quantity of the 
bhoosa became exposed in consequence. All spare tarpaulins 
were immediately supplied to cover it, and officers and men 
worked hard, for two hours, in a deluge of rain. The rains, 
so long expected, seem now fairly set in. It commenced raining 
heavily at two o'clock, P. M., and continued pouring down the 
whole night. 

July Wi. — All very much as usual, and very heavy rain fell, 
which somewhat abated the enemy's fire. Every effort was 
made to put the place in some kind of order and to feed the 
bullocks. 

Poor Major Francis insensible and sinking ; he died at seven 
o'clock, P. M., and was buried by a party of officers close to 
Mr. Ommanney's grave. Every effort was made to curtail the 
expenditure of provision, and officers were placed on half ra- 
tions every third day. Very few servants remained, and most 
of the officers had none. All were on duty thirteen and twenty 
hours a day, and constant alarms took place at night, rendering 
it necessary for all to stand to their arms. Fears were enter- 
tained of the bhoosa stack taking fire, as the outer wall of 
the Racket Court had fallen down and left it exposed. All 
available officers and men worked hard, in heavy rain, to get it 
covered in again with tarpaulins. Twelve Sikhs of the 13th 
Native Infantry deserted last night. All the Hindoos and 
Mussulmans of the 13th, 48th, and 71st behaved nobly. 

July dth. — Much rain fell during the morning. About four 
o'clock, A. M., the enemy made an attack on the Baillie Guard 
Gate, and about three hundred showed themselves, shouting 
and sounding the " Advance " on the bugle ; but being received 
with a few rounds of grape, and a steady fire from the 13th, 
they speedily disappeared. Very much the same thing occurred 
soon after at the Cawnpore battery. Continued fire all day. 

This was now the tenth day of the siege, and the heavy 



416 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

musketry fire on every side had never for an instant ceased, 
night or day, and at times the fire was terrific. Many casual- 
ties occurred, and our want of protection at the different cross- 
ings over from one side of the Residency compound to the 
other was very much felt. To-day an excellent soldier, and a 
man greatly respected — Mr, Bryson — formerly Sergeant-Major 
of the 16th Lancers, was shot through the head while endeav- 
oring to strengthen his post. The enemy appeared to have had 
some excellent marksmen. The commissariat began to work 
well, and all were well supplied. The officers were placed, 
however, on half rations every third day as a precautionary 
measure. Lieutenant Dashwood, of the 48th Native Infantry, 
died of cholera after a few hours' illness. 

July 10/A. — This morning the enemy's fire was continued 
much as usual. A Sepoy, of the 13th, was killed early in the 
morning, and later in the day a private of the 32d Foot and an 
artilleryman were wounded. The horses of the cavalry and the 
artillery, which, during the first days of the siege, were loose, 
and driven nearly mad from hunger and thirst, galloping about 
and creating the greatest confusion, had now been nearly all 
turned out, though not without much trouble ; and fifty of the 
best were retained and secured in the Sikh square. All the 
bullocks were now also secured, and arrangements made for 
feeding and watering them ; but numbers of horses and bul- 
locks died, and their burial at night by working parties, in ad- 
dition to nightly fatigue parties, for the purpose of burying the 
dead, carrying up supplies from exposed positions, repairing 
intrenchments, draining, and altering the position of guns, in 
addition to attending on the wounded, caused excessive fatigue 
to the thin garrison, who had but little rest night or day : there 
were few officers with more than one servant, and one-third 
certainly had none. In all duties the officers equally shared the 
labors with the men, carrying loads and digging pits for putrid 
animals, at night, in heavy rain. All exerted themselves to the 



SIR HENRY LAWRENCE. 41 T 

utmost, alternately exposed to a burning snn and heavy rain. 
Toward the middle of the day the enemy fired less than they 
had previously done on any occasion since the siege com- 
menced. 

We received no news from any quarter, hut sent off many 
letters. Every exertion was made to grind up the wheat in 
store by hand-mills, and this day thirteen maunds and two seers 
were ground. 

July lltk. — The whole force called to arms in consequence of 
a false alarm. 

JuIt/ l^th. — Heat dreadful ; several officers shot. 

July 14:ih. — The enemy fired all night as well as day, and 
particularly on Mr. Guhbins's post. 

July 2Qth. — For several days the heat has been intense. The 
firing has continued without interruption. From midnight of 
yesterday the enemy remained unusually quiet, and at daylight 
all seemed much as usual. About half-past eight o'clock, A. 
M., it was reported that a very large body of men could be seen 
marching about in different directions within a few hundred 
yards of our position. A sharp look-out was kept, and the 
garrison stood to their arms. At a quarter-past ten o'clock 
the enemy sprung a mine inside the water-gate, and about 
twenty- five yards from our inner defenses ; the explosion was 
great, and was evidently intended to have blown up our Redan 
battery and also to act as a signal ; for immediately the dust 
and smoke subsided, a very heavy fire of I'ound shot was com- 
menced from every gun that the enemy possessed, followed im- 
mediately, almost, by a terrific fire of musketry, under which 
the enemy made an attempt to storm the Redan and Innes's 
house. The garrison were ready, and every one at his post, 
and the attack was coolly met and repulsed ; however, the 
enemy advanced boldly, and came up within twenty-five yards 
of the battery in immense force, but were unable to withstand 
the fire of our men. 



418 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

They made a similar attempt on Innes's house, but were simi- 
larly repulsed by the garrison, consisting of twelve men of the 
32d, twelve of the 13th Native Infantry, and a few uncove- 
nanted gentlemen, under Ensign Loughnan — who distinguished 
himself greatly : a very great loss was inflicted on the enemy, 
who repeatedly tried to advance, but were driven back each 
time with much slaughter. Finding their efforts useless, the 
enemy fell back, and contented themselves with throwing in a 
terrific storm of musketry ; from which we shielded our men 
as much as possible, by keeping them laid under our defenses. 
Almost at the same time an attack was made on the Cawnpore 
Battery, but the enemy's standard-bearer — who advanced 
bravely — being shot in the ditch of the battery, the rest fell 
back. The enemy now moved toward Lieutenant Anderson's 
house and Captain Germon's post, with scaling-ladders, but 
were well received and fell back with much loss. The attack 
was now over, though for the rest of the day, till 4 o'clock, 
P. M., the enemy threw in a heavy fire ; when it gradually 
subsided : the attack was mostly confined to the points above 
noted. 

In the afternoon they succeeded in making a lodgment in 
some pucka cook-houses inside our abattis, and began to use a 
crowbar, which was distinctly heard. We made a hole through 
to them from above, through which they fired, injuring no one ; 
but on our throwing down some hand-grenades, they fled across 
the road, two being shot by the officers who were watching from 
above. The 13th, 71st, and 48th Sepoys all behaved well, and 
the manner in which the outposts were held was beyond all 
praise. The imcoven anted distinguished themselves greatly. 
We had fortunately only four men killed, and some twelve 
wounded : Captain Forbes, Lieutenant Grant, Lieutenant Ed- 
monstone, and Mr. Hely were wounded. All were under arms 
from eight in the morning till eight at night, and greatly 
fatigued and worn-out. 



SIR HENRY LAWRENCE. 419 

July 1\st. — All very quiet during the night. The enemy 
were probably fatigued with their exertions yesterday, for 
throughout the night only a few round shot were thrown in. 
About 10 o'clock, A. M., the enemy lodged themselves in some 
force in the low buildings between the Sikh court-yard and Mr. 
Gubbins's* post, but were driven out by a few shells, and were 
fired on by the officers of the brigade mess, as they ran across a 
small lane : they did not attempt to reoccupy the position 
during the day. About 12 o'clock Major Banks was killed by 
a musket-shot through the head, as he was reconnoitering from 
the top of an out-house. Mr. Gubbins's garrison was fired on 
smartly during the morning, and many round shot were sent 
into Mr. Gubbins's house ; the garrison of which had many 
alarms during the day. Painful boils were prevalent. A 
dreadful stench pervaded the place in consequence of the num- 
ber of dead horses and bullocks, which, lying direct under the 
fire of the enemy, we were unable to remove. Excessive heat, 
and several cases of cholera. Great fatigue ; no news. Poor 
Dr. Brydon severely wounded in Mr. Gubbins's house. Two Eu- 
ropeans killed and two wounded ; also one of the 13th Sepoys. 

July 22d. — Very heavy rain began to fall at 1 o'clock, A. M., 
and continued till 8 o'clock, A. M., when it cleared off. During 
the heavy rain the enemy only fired slightly. After 8 o'clock, 
A. M., it became more brisk, and they fired several round shot, 
but were not very active during the forenoon. Cholera still 
prevalent. Our numerical strength much diminished, as we 
had had one hundred and fifty-one casualties in the 32d Regi- 
ment alone. The enemy moved the eight-inch howitzer from 
its old position, and brought it across the river by elephants, 
with a tumbril behind it. Up to this date, we had no intelli- 
gence of any kind from any quarter, and, indeed, we had re- 
ceived none since the 27th ultimo. 

* Magistrate of Cawnpore. 



420 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

July 21th. — From midnight all quiet, save the usual mus- 
ketry fire. Cloudy, sultry weather. About 7 o'clock, A. M., 
two planks were observed laid across the road in front of Jo- 
hannes's house. They were not seen the night before, and being 
carefully watched, a man's hand was seen coming up from 
below ; and soon after some eight feet of earth fell in, showing 
the direction of a mine of the enemy right across the road, and 
pointing direct for our stockade, within six feet of which it had 
apparently reached. This was a most fortunate discovery for 
us : they had evidently kept this mine too near the surface, and 
the heavy rain had broken it in. Our mine continued to be 
pushed on as rapidly as possible, and our sharp-shooters from 
the top of the brigade mess kept up so hot a fire on the enemy's 
sap from above, that they could make no attempt to repair the 
mischief. Much fever prevalent, consequent on being constantly 
wet day and night. 

Toward the afternoon the enemy again covered their trench 
with boards ; but we got a mortar under our wall, and after one 
or two failures, a shell fell right into the hole and blew all the 
planks away, leaving the remains of the trench exposed to 
view, giving us no further anxiety. Fine weather in the after- 
noon. Enemy heard mining toward the brigadier mess ; on 
which a shaft was commenced by the officers, and the enemy 
ceased working. Late in the evening the enemy were very dis- 
tinctly heard mining toward the Sikh lines ; on which the 
Sikhs, under Lieutenant Hardinge, commenced and sunk an 
eight-feet shaft ; hearing us, the enemy seemed to stop working. 
All quiet, with the exception of the usual amount of firing. 
Fever, diarrhea, dysentery, and painful boils, from constant 
wet and exposure, still prevalent among the garrison. Mrs. 
Grant — wife of Lieutenant Grant — died of cholera. Captain 
Boileau, 7th Cavalry, was wounded to-day. 

July 28^A. — Much shouting and bugling among the enemy 
during the early part of the morning : heavy rain at daylight. 



SIR HENRY LAWRENCE. 421 

Made repairs to the Redan battery ; also made a small field-work 
for a nine-pounder. Sickness mucli increased, and for many 
days past only one engineer officer was available for duty : bard 
work, privation, and exposure day and night to wet and heat, 
few could long stand against. 

The enemy threw in several shells, also a number of stink- 
pots, which were a very curious composition of large pieces of 
our exploded iron shell sewn up in canvas, and surrounded by 
flax and resin, with dry powder in the center : these, from the 
commencement of the siege, had been thrown in daily from a 
howitzer ; they made a fearful hissing noise and great stench, 
and finally exploded. They were not very dangerous, unless 
they exploded very close to a person. We also had a few 
rockets thrown in, but not many ; and lately a number of 
shrapnel shells, fired apparently from a howitzer with a very 
great elevation. The enemy's miners could now be distinctly 
heard working close to the Sikh Square sap. 

The room in the Residency containing the jewelry and valua- 
bles belonging to the late King of Oude, was broken into last 
night by some of the garrison, and most of them stolen. 
Enemy tolerably quiet in the afternoon. About 5 o'clock, 
P. M., our sap in the Sikh Square, which had been going on 
as fast as we could push it in the direction of the enemy's, met 
theirs, which they continued to work to the last moment. On 
our crowbar, however, going through into their gallery, they 
instantly fled out of it, and commenced to fill in their shaft. 
We immediately made use of their gallery, and blew the whole 
up with one hundred pounds of powder, which brought down 
all the adjacent houses, etc. After this the enemy tolerably 
quiet. Good progress made in our Cawnpore sap. 

June 2^th. — A fine moonlight night. Enemy fired many 
round shot about daylight, and also musketry from the houses 
across the road ; they also threw in many carcasses, which nearly 
all fell in the vicinity of the Cawnpore battery. No intelli- 



422 HEKOES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

gence. All were anxious for tlie relieving force, whicli we 
thought could not be far off. Our Cawnpore sap loaded with 
two hundred pounds of powder, ready to explode whenever it 
might be thought most advisable. Colonel Halford, 71st Eegi- 
ment Native Infantry, who had been long ill, died this morning. 

A few convalescents joined the ranks, giving more room in 
the hospital, which was greatly overcrowded in consequence of 
all the patients being obliged to be kept on the ground-floor, as 
also the state prisoners and their servants ; the round shot 
passing so frequently through the upper story as to make it im- 
possible to make use of it. Rumor stated that the enemy had 
gone out in force to meet our coming army, and had left two or 
three regiments of infantry, and a body of military police, to 
keep us in ; but it was most difficult to tell what force we had 
opposed to us, as the enemy seldom or never showed in any 
number, but kept in the houses under cover, occasionally yelling, 
bugling, and throwing in a heavy fire, then subsiding into the 
usual steady fire which went on night and day. 

Firing of cannon heard in the direction of Cawnpore. We 
hoped it was our friends. All anxious, but all conjecture. 
Enemy recommenced mining toward our mine in the Cawnpore 
battery. About 6 P. M. a heavy firing was heard for about 
five minutes in the road from Cawnpore, and in about half an 
hour several guns were heard in the direction of cantonments ; 
this made us think it was a salute fired by the enemy for some 
reason or other ; probably to reassure themselves. However, 
all is conjecture ; but it threw our garrison into a great state of 
excitement, and many, indeed most, stoutly maintained it was 
our force. About three or four hundred Sepoys were seen at 
the same time running across the Iron Bridge toward canton- 
ments in great haste. We fired two shots at them with an 
eighteen -pounder. 

The excitement gradually cooled down ; the enemy keeping 
up their usual fire. Another mine was discovered this evening, 



SIR HENRY LAWRENCE. 423 

hj a portion of it falling in : it was running in the direction of 
Sago's house. Lieutenant Grant, of the Bombay army, whose 
wife and child died a few days ago of cholera, died in hospital 
this night, from the effects of his wound : his right hand had 
been blown off by a hand-grenade. A fine moonlight night. 

July mth.—Fwm 2 A. M. till daylight heavy rain. Enemy 
got in close under the wall of the Sikh lines, and began some 
kind of operations against it ; they were so close that no musket 
could be fired, being under a projecting piece of the wall ; they 
were, however, dislodged by a few pistol shots, and ran off. 
No further incident occurred during the night, beyond that 
there was the usual amount of firing into our position, and 
bugling on the part of the enemy. After daylight enemy fired 
slackly. Terrible stench in many parts of the garrison from 
half-buried corpses and animals, which we had no time- or 
means to bury properly. Several cases of fever, cholera, and 
small-pox. 

About 9 A. M. a number of Sepoys and matchlockmen were 
seen coming along the Cawnpore road, and for about an hour 
and a half a continuous stream of men came in in detached 
parties of twenty and thirty : some Sepoys were among them. 
Slack firing during the forenoon, only a few shells and mus- 
ketry. In the afternoon, heavy rain for an hour. Unable to 
discover what the enemy were about. Considerable progress 
made in a sap, which we had sunk in an out-house close to the 
corner of the brigade mess-house, where most of the children 
and ladies were located. At first the enemy were heard mining 
toward us, but since yesterday we had not heard them. We 
continued, however, to steadily push our sap, hoping either to 
come across that of the enemy or succeed in getting under 
Johannes's house ; from which they fired all day long on any 
one who showed himself. Yesterday an artillery sergeant, who 
incautiously crossed the road commanded from Johannes's 
house, was shot through both legs. The enemy had many 



424 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

riflemen, and some of them were most expert stots, firing 
through our loop-holes. 

About 8 P. M., as Captain Wilson, Lieutenant Barwell, 
Lieutenant James, and Mr. Lawrence were sitting on the 
chubootra of the Begum Kotee, a shell came in and exploded 
as it struck the parapet of the wall under which they sat, 
bringing it down. Lieutenant James, who was lying wounded 
on his bed, had a most wonderful escape. A large piece of 
masonry, weighing upward of a hundred weight, fell on his 
bed, breaking it to pieces, and bringing him down on the 
ground ; but he was uninjured. Mr. Lawrence received a 
severe contusion on the back and head from falling masonry ; 
and this was the extent of the damage. Mrs. Clarke, wife of 
Lieutenant Clarke of the 21st Native Infantry, died this even- 
ing : bad food, privation, confinement, and smells of all kinds, 
worked their effects. 

July Z\st. — A fine night, and the usual firing. At daylight 
the enemy commenced firing heavily on the Church and Resi- 
dency, from a twenty-four-pounder planted in the neighborhood 
of the Iron Bridge. They also threw in many shells, and fired 
their guns from the Clock Tower Gate. Our eighteen-pounders 
and mortars were employed till 10 A. M. in silencing the ene- 
my's fire. Our sap from the brigade mess made good progress 
across the road, toward the out-houses occupied by the enemy. 
Several children have lately died : privation the chief cause. 
We had received no information whatever since the 26th in- 
stant, the date on which we received the only letter we had yet 
received since the 27th of June. Our reinforcements were due 
to-day, and their non-arrival led us to suppose that the enemy 
had succeeded in breaking down the bridge at Bunnee, and ar- 
resting the progress of our friends. The flies dreadful — pre- 
venting all rest during the day, and disputing our food with us. 
The enemy cont'nued to throw in shells all the forenoon, till 2 
P. M., when we had a heavy shower : after that the firing con- 



SIR HENRY LAWRENCE. • 425 

tinued as before. In the evening we repaired our defenses as 
far as we could, as, owing to the heavy rain, the earth had set- 
tled very considerably. A fine moonlight night, and all quiet, 
save the usual amount of round shot and musketry. 

August 1st. — Still no intelligence of any kind, which caused 
much anxiety, more particularly as some of our supplies for 
natives were likely to be at an end in twenty days' time. 
Weather very hot and sultry ; small, painful boils, covering 
nearly the whole body, very prevalent. Many deaths among 
the children, and sickness on the increase. Great inconveni- 
ence felt in the hospital for want of space ; the sick and wounded 
sadly crowded, and the building very badly ventilated, as the 
lower story was hardly safe from shots. Enemy threw in many 
shells this morning, and fired unusually sharp with their heavy 
guns, till about 10 A. M., keeping our guns and mortars fully 
employed in keeping down their fire. Heat very great ; fire 
gradually slackened off toward noon, but recommenced sharply 
again about 5 P. M. Many round shot, shell, and carcasses 
came in. One of the latter fell into the court-yard of the Be- 
gum Kotee, within a few feet of the table at which the staff and 
commissariat officers were at dinner ; but no one was hurt. 
Several cases of cholera occurred to-day. Efforts made to im- 
prove and strengthen our defenses during the moonlight nights ; 
but the engineer officers were all sick, and little was done. Our 
sap in the brigade mess was pushed steadily on, and had at- 
tained thirty-eight feet from the shaft this evening. 

August 2c?. — Fine moonlight night. Sharp firing during 

some portion of it. Many rockets were thrown in early in the 

morning. Mr. Hely, of the 7th Cavalry, died this day of the 

wound he received on the 20th ult. An artillery sergeant was 

mortally wounded this morning in the Redan. Enemy fired a 

salute of some forty guns about 11 A. M. A Sikh sowar of 

the 3d Irregular Cavalry deserted to the enemy this morning. 

The Bhoosa stack fell down to-day, burying ten or twelve bul- 

3G 



426 HEROES OE THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

locks ; whicli, after much labor, were got out. Seven of them 
were unfortunately dead ; thus entailing more labor, as at night 
we had to bury them : no slight task in such weather, with our 
jaded and harassed garrison. Toward the evening a heavy 
cannonade was kept up on both sides. About 5.30 P. M. an 
eight-inch shell from the enemy struck the Begum Kotee, and, 
breaking right through the outside wall, exploded in the room 
in which Lieutenant James, of the Commissariat, and Mr. Law- 
rence, of the Civil Service, were lying on their beds woiinded, 
with one or two servants in the room ; providentially all 
escaped, though the room was set on fire. Heavy firing till 
midnight. 

August Sd. — Smart firing till daylight. Every possible ef- 
fort was made to strengthen our position and raise the hight of 
our defenses. A soldier of the 32d Foot was shot dead this 
morning in the center room of the hospital ; showing how little 
safety any where existed against the enemy's fire. 

August \^th. — Large force of the enemy seen on the Cawn- 
pore road. The enemy's mines were sprung, and two attacks 
upon us were made. The attacks were repulsed. 

August 12>th. — Dreadfully hot night. At 10 o'clock, A. M., 
engineers reported our countermine ready. It was fired with 
happy results. 

August 18tk. — At daylight the enemy exploded a large mine 
under one of our principal posts in the outer square, occupied 
by the Sikhs ; the three officers and three sentries on the top 
of the house were blown up into the air and fell among the 
debris. The giiard below were all, however, buried in the ruins, 
and lost their lives : they were two bandsmen of the 41st, two 
of the 13th, and a Sepoy of the 48th Native Infantry. The 
officers, though much stunned, on recovering themselves, ran 
away, and all three escaped unhurt. 

When the smoke had blown away, we discovered that a clear 
breach had been made into our defenses, to the extent of thirty 



SIE HENRY LAWRENCE. 427 

feet in breadth. One of the enemy's leaders sprung on the 
top of the breach, brandishing his sword and calling on others 
to follow ; but he fell dead instantly from the flank fire of the 
officers on the top of the brigade mess. Another instantly fol- 
lowed and shared the same fate, when the rest of the force 
declined making a home rush. On the first springing of the 
mine, our garrison was at once under arms, and the reserve of 
the 84th Foot — eighteen men — were immediately sent down and 
placed in a position which commanded the breach from the 
right ; while boxes, doors, planks, tents, etc., were rapidly car- 
ried doAvn to make as much cover as possible to protect pur 
men against musketry : also a house was pulled down and a 
road made for a gun ; and, after incredible exertions, a nine- 
pounder was got into a position which commanded all the 
breach, and was loaded with a double charge of grape. The 
enemy, by means of some barricaded lanes, contrived to creep 
up and get possession of the right flank wall of the Sikh 
square ; but our mortar and a twenty-four-pounder howitzer 
drove the main body off, and a sudden rush at noon cleared 
away the rest. We reoccupied all the ground we had lost in 
the morning, and also took possession of the houses previously 
held by the enemy, and which were situated between the Sikh 
square and Mr. Gubbins's house. No time was lost in destroy- 
ing them, and by sunset four hundred pounds of gunpowder had 
cleared away many of the houses from which the enemy had 
most annoyed us. By this time the breach was securely barri- 
caded against any sudden rush, and at night a working party 
completed it. In addition to the eight men lost in the explo- 
sion, we had this day one of the 32d killed, and a volunteer — 
M. De Prat — and three of the 32d wounded. Nothing could 
exceed the zeal with which all the natives worked to secure the 
breach, and make a road for a gun. The heat was fearful, and 
this was one of the most harassing days we had, all ranks being 
hard at work from daylight till dark, under a dreadful sun. 



428 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

Lieutenant Fletcher, 48tli Regiment Native Infantry, on look- 
out duty at the top of the Residency, Mms shot through the arm, 
and had his telescope shivered by a rifie-ball, while reconnoi- 
tering. Lieutenant Graham was also hit on the chest with a 
spent ball. 

August 19/A. — The enemy rather lively with their large guns 
this morning. Firing more particularly at the guard-rooms on 
the top of the brigade mess, which were by this time well-rid- 
dled. About 2 o'clock, P. M., the engineers, Messrs. Fulton, 
Hutchinson, and Anderson, with a small party, went out on the 
prepaises which we yesterday seized, for the purpose of blowing 
up some more houses and buildings. This party was supported 
by some Europeans and Sikhs, kept inside the square. The 
enemy showed no where, and save for a few dropping shots, 
their presence would not have been known. 

It is worthy of notice, that even through the pucka buildings 
the enemy dug communicating trenches, probably to escape the 
effects of our shells ; which, however, they had not always been 
successful in doing, as several pools of blood showed us. In 
the afternoon we experienced a smart cannonade, and about 
dusk had a heav)'- shower which staid it for a while, and after 
8 o'clock, P. M., it subsided nearly entirely into a musketry 
fire. 

August 20(fA. — A heavy fire of musketry toward daylight, 
when the enemy began the heaviest cannonade we had yet had ; 
particularly on the Cawnpore battery, in front of which they 
had put another gun in position. For three hours they fired 
continually, and a great portion of Mons. De Prat's house 
fell in. Their round shot came in through the Thug Jail, and 
enfiladed it ; foitunately it struck high, and no casualty oc- 
curred : they also threw some shrapnel, as yesterday. Our guard- 
rooms on the top of the brigade mess were now entirely 
demolished by round shot, which came through them almost 
unceasingly. An eight-inch shell went into the Residency, and 



SIR HENRY LAWRENCE. 429 

exploded on the staircase. A soldier of the 32d Foot was 
killed in the eighteen-pounder battery, at Dr. Fayrer's, by a 
musket-ball which strack him in the head. We were bnsy all 
night at our mine, which was now completed, and we hope to 
be able to load it and have it ready to fire by dajdight to-mor- 
row morning. Many men were seen in the early part of the 
day, moving about in the bazar — most of them Sepoys. It 
was difficult to say what they were about, as they were moving 
both ways. Lieutenant Cunliffe, of the Artillery, was slightly 
wounded this morning in the knee by a musket-ball. Great 
mortality among the children in the garrison, and a great deal 
of sickness prevailed, particularly fever. All the tea and sugar 
for the Europeans had been for some time expended, save a 
small supply which had been reserved for the use of the sick 
and wounded. The enemy again commenced to undermine the 
lane running from the Cawnpore battery behind the brigade 
mess, and were also engaged in some other work to the right of 
Johannes's house. Much firing during the evening. Captain 
Lowe, of the 32d Foot, had a very narrow escape ; an eight- 
inch shell burst close to him in the trenches, and slightly 
wounded him in the hand, and cut off the arm of a soldier 
along side. him. The enemy made an attempt to burn doAvn 
the gates at the Baillie Guard, by eluding the vigilance of the 
sentries, and piling up logs of wood and combustibles outside 
the gate. It burnt fiercely, but was soon extinguished by the 
water-carriers of the 13th, without damage to the gates : the 
fire was the signal for a heavy fusilade, which lasted nearly 
half an hour. 

August 21s;f. — At daybreak all was prepared and ready for 
the blowing-up of our mine, and the simultaneous sortie of fifty 
Europeans under Captain M'Cabe and Lieutenant Browne — di- 
vided into two parties — for the purpose of spiking the enemy's 
guns which fired into the mess-house, and in order to hold 
Johannes's house while the engineer officers blew it up. Pre- 



430 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

cisely at 5 o'clock, P. M., the mine, containing four hundred 
pounds of powder, was sprung, and as soon as the dust and 
smoke had in a measure subsided, the party ran out, drove the 
enemy — who were taken by surprise, and made but a slight 
show of resistance — from their guns — two — and spiked them 
both, and retained possession of Johannes's house, while the 
engineers made arrangements for blowing it up. These were 
soon completed, and the party withdrawn. A slow match was 
applied, and the house laid in ruins. Our losses were one of 
the 84th killed, one sergeant — 84th — mortally wounded, one of 
the 32d dangerously wounded, one slightly wounded, and a 
sergeant of the artillery killed. The operation was entirely 
successful, and rid us of a house from which the enemy had, 
from the commencement of the siege, annoyed us greatly. 
Captain Barlow, of the 50th Native Infantry, died somewhat 
suddenly in hospital this morning. The grass and jungle all 
round had grown to a very great hight, and would have given 
cover to a number of men to approach close up to our position 
unobserved. In the afternoon a boy, about twelve years of 
age, was seen close to the Baillie Guard Gate, picking up bullets 
that had been fired. A Sepoy of the 13th on sentry duty saw 
him, covered him with his musket, and compelled him to come 
in. An eight-inch shell fell on the top of the Eesidency about 
9 o'clock, P. M., and exploded, fortunately without injuring 
any one. 

August 24:th. — ^Enemy opened a very heavy fire upon us. 
The women and children greatly endangered, and obliged to be 
moved from spot to spot. 

August 'i&th. — News from General Havelock. No hope of 
assistance for twenty-five days. Mr. Gubbins's house no longer 
safe, and the ladies removed from it. 

August 30^A. — Lieutenant Bowlam was killed by a musket-ball. 

September Id. — About 9 A. M. this morning a mine 
of the enemy was discovered within thirty feet of Captain 



SIR HENRY LAWRENCE. 431 

Saunders's post ; they came up to a well, and, not knowing 
what it was, made a hole in the surface ; when the smoke from 
their lamp became apparent. A countermine was immediately 
commenced and run out sixteen feet, and within two feet of the 
enemy ; it was quickly loaded and tamped for about fourteen 
feet, and the head of their gallery was blown in. Their miners 
were heard at work when the hose of our mine was ignited ; and 
it was believed they must have sustained some loss. Another 
of the enemy's mines was also discovered this morning, coming 
for the center of the brigade mess-house ; but we had a shaft 
and gallery ready to frustrate their efforts. One of the Sepoys 
of the loth Regiment of Native Infantry was severely wounded 
this morning while standing sentry. We had a heavy cannon- 
ade from the enemy in the afternoon, and some alteration was 
made in the position of some of their guns on the Cawnpore 
side of, our position. The advance of a month's pay, which 
had been offered to all natives, was declined by the 13th, 48th, 
and 71st, and pensioners, and only four rupees each was re- 
ceived by the Sikh Cavalry, as all preferred to receive it 
in arrears hereafter. This spoke volumes for their faithful- 
ness. 

This evening a very sad event occurred. Lieutenant Birch, 
of the 59th Regiment Native Infantry, attached to the Engineer 
department, went out at dusk, accompanied by four other 
officers, to explore some old ruins quite close to the north side 
of our position, in order to see if there were any traces of 
mining. The work had been most satisfactorily performed, 
and the party were returning, when a sentry of the 32d Regi- 
ment, who, unfortunately, had not received the caution that a 
party was going out and to be careful not to fire, seeing objects 
moving in the dark outside our limits, fired his musket ; la- 
mentable to relate, it took efiect, and the bullet passed through 
the lower part of the belly of Lieutenant Birch, who died two 
hours after. He was a gallant and efficient officer, and had 



432 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

only been married six months. His loss was greatly deplored 
by the garrison. Our miners were all bard at work all day, 
countermining the enemy, who still persevered in tbeir efforts to 
blow us up. 

September 2>d. — About 2 A, M. a very heavy cannonade 
from the enemy till 9 A. M. Unbarricaded a door leading 
out of our position, and turned loose during the night sixteen 
horses and a mule, which had been wounded, and were unfit for 
use. Further efforts made to limit the supply of flour, and 
issue wheat in lieu thereof. Advances of pay made to officers, 
ladies, the civil and uncovenanted service, and a few natives 
who desired it. 

The sun particularly powerful, and as during the nights a 
heavy dew fell, and occasionally the mornings were very cool, 
great fears were entertained for the health of our men ; especially 
as nearly all had to sleep in the trenches. Consequently search 
was every-where made for tents to shelter them ; but the ma- 
jority of these had been used as barricades and other defenses, 
and were now, from exposure to the rain, etc., completely rotten 
and useless. 

The enemy commenced mining at Sago's garrison, and a 
shaft and gallery were made to meet them. In the evening 
there was a heavy cannonade on Mr. Gubbins's post. A soldier 
of the 32d was dangerously woimded at Innes's house by an 
eighteen -pounder shot, and another slightly wounded by grape 
shot. Much heavy firing from the enemy. Very severe work 
at mining, as our people were employed at four different points. 
After 10 P. M. an exceedingly-heavy cannonade accompanied 
by musketry. The enemy were distinctly heard repairing their 
batteries, and moving a heavy gun with elephants, in the 
direction of the Cawnpore battery. 

September Ath. — The usual cannon and musketry throughout 
the night, which greatly increased after daylight, but gradually 
subsided after 9 A. M. into a few solitary discharges of can- 



SIR HENRY LAWRENCE. 433 

non. The outer wall of the mess-house was greatly injured by 
the constant firing from the enemy's guns, although it was of 
great solidity. Between 9 and 10 A. M. an unusual commo- 
tion was observable in the town, and the streets were much 
crowded, for which we were unable to account ; whatever it 
was, the crowd gradually dispersed, and by 11 A.M. all was 
tranquil, and the enemy's guards were relieved as usual at that 
hour. 

Toward the middle of the day there was very little firing 
from the enemy : they could be distinctly heard in three of our 
listening gallei-ies, sapping steadily toward us, A 32d soldier 
was severely contused to-day by a round shot, while on duty 
in the Cawnpore battery, and another wounded by a musket- 
ball. About 4.30 P. M. Major Bruere, commanding the 13th 
Regiment Native Infantry, went on the top of the brigade mess 
to endeavor to pick off some of the enemy's gunners. Un- 
fortunately, in his anxiety to get a shot at some riflemen, he 
somewhat unnecessarily exposed himself, and was hit by a rifle- 
ball through the chest, which almost immediately proved fatal. 
His death was very greatly lamented by the Sepoys of the 
13th, with whom he was very popular : they insisted on carry- 
ing his rerriains to the grave, and his funeral was attended by 
all the men of the 13th who could be permitted to leave their 
trenches. The eighteen-ponnder battery made by the Sepoys 
of the 13th was now nearly completed, and was sixteen feet 
thick, besides the wall in front ; the eighteen-pounder intended 
for it was got down, and put in position. The enemy were 
evidently aware of what we wej-e about, as two shells fell 
quite close ; one just inside, and the other outside the new 
battery. 

The outer wall and buildings on the top of the mess-house 
fell in this evening, with a great crash, consequent on the outer 
wall having been completely breached ; fortunately no one was 
hurt, and several ladies and child; en stil! citing to the inner 

37 



434 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

rooms for shelter, preferring the chance of a round shot or 
musket-ball to the fetid, close atmosphere of an already over- 
crowded hovel in the interior of our position ; which, after 
all, was, perhaps, hardly any safer from the fire of the enemy. 

September 'bth. — A fine moonlight morning. Soon after 
daylight, the enemy commenced the severest cannonade we 
have yet had. About 8,000 infantry and about 500 horse were 
by sunrise seen moving about round our position, and evidently 
preparing for an attack. The garrison were soon — every man — 
on the alert, and remained patiently under a tremendous fire 
of cannon, aAvaiting the enemy's onset. They soon opened 
fire from a new battery of two guns across the river ; and about 
10 A. M. exploded two mines — one, a large one, close to the 
eighteen-pounder battery, and the other, a smaller one, at the 
brigade mess, which we had countermined and were about to 
blow up, Providentially, the enemy had miscalculated their 
distance in both instances, and were just short of our defenses, 
and neither explosion did us any harm. As soon as the cloud 
of dust and smoke had cleared away, they advanced under 
cover of a tremendous fire on several points — particularly at 
Mr. Gubbins'spost — where they came on resolutely, and planted 
an enormous ladder against the bastion to mount it. Several 
reached the top, but were so steadily received with musketry 
and hand-grenades, that none could gain a footing : and after 
several leaders had fallen, the rest fell back to the cover of the 
neighboring houses, where they kept up a tremendous fire. 
Their loss was very heavy, as they showed themselves well ; 
particularly in the garden close to the brigade mess and Sikh 
Square, where they fell rapidly to our rifles and muskets. Long 
after the action they could be seen carrying away their killed 
and wounded over the bridges. 

During the attack we only had one havildar of pensioners 
and two Sepoys of the 13th killed, and one soldier of the 32d 
wounded — loss of hand — from round shot. Eight Sepoys of 



SIR HENRY LAWRENCE. 435 

the 13tli Native Infantry, assisted by three artillerymen, loaded 
and worked the eighteen-pounder in the 13th battery, and after 
three or four rounds, succeeded in silencing the eighteen-pounder 
opposed to them. The Sepoys were very proud of this battery, 
which was entirely under their charge, and constructed solely 
by them, under the superintendence of the Engineers. A fear- 
fully hot day, and a broiling sun, to which all were exposed for 
nearly the entire day. During last night another shaft, eight 
feet deep, was sunk by the officers of the brigade mess as a 
listening gallery, in case the enemy should run a sap in that 
direction. 

In the evening the enemy seemed disgusted with their want 
of success in the morning, and confined themselves to a few 
shots, now and then, from their batteries. An eighteen- 
pounder came right through the hospital, from their new 
work across the river, and passed through the whole length of 
the building, which was crowded with patients, and very 
slightly wounded Lieutenant Charlton and a soldier of the 
32d, both of whom were lying there wounded. Passing, as it 
did, through the entire length of such a crowded space, it was 
perfectly extraordinary that this ball did not do more harm. 

After all attacks, the enemy were most determined in their 
efforts to carry off their dead, and generally contrived to do so 
at night. To-day, as usual, the leading men were most of 
them knocked over, which greatly discouraged their followers. 

September 8th. — Captain Simmonds died of his wounds to- 
day. 

Sejitemhe^- 9tk. — During the night a shell exploded in a room 
occxipied by a lady and some children, and, though almost 
every article in the room was destroyed, yet all providentially 
escaped. 

Finding this morning that the enemy were rapidly mining 
toward the Cawnpore battery, it was deemed advisable that 
our mine, containing two hundred pounds of powder, which 



436 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

had been ready and charged for upward of a month, should be 
exploded; and, accordingly, at ten o'clock, A. M., it was 
spi'ung. The effect was tremendous, and it evidently aston- 
ished the enemy, whose miners must have been destroyed. 

Septemher 12th. — A tremendous row and noise in the city all 
night. A shaft sunk in the center of the brigade mess, in view 
to running a sap out across the road into the garden in front 
of the enemy's battery. Rather less firing all day than usual. 
Very large bodies of matchlockmen were seen moving about, 
but a smaller proportion of Sepoys. A soldier of the 32d and 
an uncovenanted man were wounded — the former in the head, 
the latter through the hand. During the past few days no 
case of cholera occurred. In the evening, after dark, the 71st 
Sepoys were employed, under Lieutenant Langmore, in biing- 
ing in some tents which were piled up in the Residency garden. 
While so employed, one of the enemy came up, evidently hav- 
ing mistaken our party for one of his own ; he was imme- 
diately seized by two Sepoys and brought in. A European 
sentry was killed to-day through a small loop-hole in the 
Redan, out of which he was looking, and another in the same 
battery was wounded during the night. 

Se2:>te77iber ISth. — A smart cannonade at daylight. Consid- 
erable progress was made in our new mines out of the Cawn- 
pore battery and brigade mess. Captain Mansfield was seized 
with cholera early this morning, and died a few hours after. 
A great number of matchlockmen seen moving about in the 
bazar. Enormous prices offered in the gairison for all kinds 
of supplies. A small fowl was to-day purchased by a gen- 
tleman for his sick wife for twenty rupees — £2. A bottle of 
cm-acoa sold at auction, a day or two ago, for sixteen rupees, 
and the same price was freely offered for two pounds of sugar. 
Divine service performed at the brigade mess, and at Dr. Pay- 
rer's, to all who were able to attend. A man came in about 
eight o'clock, P. M., from the city ; he could not or would not 



SIR HENRY LAWRENCE. 437 

give any information, was looked upon as a spy, ironed and 
placed in the main -guard. A tolerably quiet evening. 

September lAlh. — A good many matchlockmen were seen 
coming into the town during the day, both over the stone 
bridge and the bridge of boats. For the last two days the 
bugles of the enemy had not been heard, which led us to con- 
clude that the headquarters of regiments had probably left the 
city. A few dhoolies were seen passing down the Cawnpore 
road, and a man — apparently of some consequence — was ob- 
served haranguing a mob in the city. There was the usual 
amount of firing and sharp- shooting all day. 

A grievous occurrence took place in the afternoon. Captain 
Fulton, of the Engineers, while reconnoitering from a battery 
in Mr. Gubbins's post, was killed by a round shot, which 
struck him on the head. He had conducted all the engineering 
operations of the siege for a considerable time previous to the 
death of his chief — Major Anderson. He was a highly-gifted, 
cool, brave, and chivalrous officer, fertile in resources, and a 
favorite with both officers and men. His loss was acutely felt. 

September Ibth. — The eighteen -pounder battery beyond In- 
nes's house fired heavily and reduced Innes's house to almost a 
heap of ruins ; the shot came right across the entire open space 
round the Residency, and one soldier of the 32d was mortally 
and the other slightly wounded. The breach in the Sikh Square 
made by the enemy, was now tolerably retrenched. The inner 
square was well loop-holed and barricaded, so that even if the 
enemy had made their way in they would have been unable to 
make a lodgment. The vicinity of the houses to our defenses 
in the outer square rendered mining easy, and we took and 
blew up three of the enemy's mines at this point alone. Lien- 
tenant Fullerton, of the 16th Regiment Native Infantry, died 
in hospital this morning. 

To-day the veranda of the Residency fell in with a great 
crash, from the effects of the battering it had received from 



438 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

the enemy's eighteen-pound shot. This afternoon a mortar, 
equipped as a howitzer — on Lieutenant Bonham's principle — 
was put in position against the eighteen-pounder battery oppo- 
site Innes's house, and fired several shots, which kept the en- 
emy's gun in check ; and one shell, having blown away most 
of their parapet, they did not fire again from it during the 
evening. Under the direction of the garrison engineer, a shaft 
was commenced in the Baillie Guard Gate by the Sepoys of 
13th Eegiment of Native Infantry, in order to run a sap out 
in the direction of the Lutkim Durwaza : eight feet and a half 
were this evening accomplished. It is intended as a safeguard 
to cut off any mine that the enemy may be running toward the 
gateway. 

Sexjtemher \^th. — A very sharp cannonade from daylight for 
three hours. An eight-inch shell fell in the rear of the 13th 
battery — for the second time since the commencement of hos- 
tilities — and mortally wounded a Sepoy and slightly wounded 
a subadar. Enemy were very busy erecting — apparently — a 
new battery, to the right of our Cawnpore battery ; but it was 
difficult at the time to say what it was intended for ; the people 
working at it were greatly annoyed by our shells, and it made 
but little progress except during the night. They were, also, 
very hard at work in front of the Redan battery, where they 
had made deep trenches in all directions. 

Ungud, pensioner and spy, was sent out at about 10 o'clock, 
P. M., with a letter, done up in a piece of quill, to take to 
General Havelock at Cawnpore, and was promised a large re- 
ward if he brought a reply. Preparations made for getting the 
mortar-howitzer into the court-yard in I'ear of the brigade 
mess, by cutting a road through the intermediate walls. The 
mine out of the brigade-mess building, and that out of the 
Cawnpore battery, were worked all night, and considerable 
progress was made in both. The rains seemed quite over, the 
sun was very powerful, and much fever prevailed. Not so much 



SIR HENRY LAAYRENCE. 439 

firing as usual in the evening, and only one shell came in. 
Much bugling among the enemy during the night. 

September YIth. — All very much as usual, with rather less 
firing. Many vague rumors were abroad in the garrison, all 
without foundation. The mortar-howitzer was got into posi- 
tion behind the brigade mess ; the second shell thrown from it 
severely wounded two of our servants, in consequence of the 
shell having exploded before it cleared our defenses. After the 
range was, however, once got, the practice was good, and several 
shells exploded in the embrasure of the enemy's battery. The 
mine out of the brigade mess and that out of the Cawnpore 
battery, damaged during the day by round shot, was also re- 
paired by a working-party of Sepoys from the 48th Regiment 
Native Infantry. The sentry of the 32d Foot, on duty at the 
church, had his head carried off by a round shot. Exactly at 
midnight the enemy made a demonstration on Saunders's post, 
and fired heavy volleys of musketry, but made no attempt to 
advance ; in about half an hour, after a few shells had been 
thrown among them, they retired. 

Many cases of fever and dysentery. Two Sepoys of the 13th 
died in the hospital of their wounds. The Sikh cavalry sowars, 
under Lieutenant Hardinge, worked at the barricade across the 
breach in the third Sikh Square, and still further strength- 
ened it. 

September \^th. — Nothing new to record. Each day passed 
away much like its predecessor, with the same amount of can- 
nonading and musketry fire. 

Throughout the siege a regular system of look-out was or- 
ganized from the top of the tower in the Residency, which 
commanded a view of the river, the three bridges, and the open 
country beyond ; and also from the roof of the Post- Office, 
from which a great part of the city and the road to Cawnpore 
could be observed. At the former post the officers were relieved 
every two hours, and at the latter hourly. At each post a book 



440 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

was kept, in which whatever had been observed was noted down, 
and if any thing unusual, or any new work of the enemy was 
seen, a report of it was instantly forwarded for Brigadier In- 
glis's information. A new truck was constructed to enable us 
to fit out another mortar as a howitzer, for it would be impos- 
sible to say how greatly we felt throughout the siege the want 
of a couple of eight-inch howitzers. To-day the enemy threw 
in — evidently from a thirteen-inch mortar — a piece of wood of 
very great weight, which measured twelve inches in diameter 
and eighteen in length ! It made a prodigious noise as it passed 
through the air. 

In consequence of the very small stock of rum left in store, 
all the Europeans were reduced to one dram each per day. This 
was perhaps the quietest day of the siege up to this date, as we 
had nothing but a few stray cannon shots and a slight mus- 
ketry fire throughout the twenty-four hours. About II o'clock, 
P, M., a very considerable noise was heard in the town, to- 
gether with much bugling and shouting. 

September Vdtk. — This morning, almost before daylight, we 
commenced a heavy cannonade from the Post-Ofifice on the 
battery in the square house opposite. During the morning the 
enemy kept up also a heavy fire all around ; particularly on 
the Residency, which now wore a most desolate, tumble-down, 
and dilapidated appearance, from the effect of round shot which 
had been steadily poured into it daily from the commencement 
of the siege. About 10.30 A. M. the enemy's battery in 
the square house, opposite the Post-Office, was set on fire by our 
shot, and a pretty sharp fusilade and cannonade was kept up 
by us to prevent the enemy from extinguishing it ; the fire 
however soon died out. An auction was held this day in the 
Residency of the property — clothes, etc. — of deceased officers, 
and the prices that all useful articles fetched was enormous : for 
instance, a new flannel shirt was knocked down for forty ru- 
pees, while five old ones were sold for one hundred and twelve 



SIR HENRY LAWRENCE. 441 

rupees, and a bottle of brandy brought twenty rupees. A man 
of the 84th was shot dead at Sago's post early this morning. 
During the day the enemy threw into our position, probably 
from an enormous mortar, six pieces of wood about the size 
and shape of a large oyster barrel ; they were thrown up in the 
air to an enormous hight, and came down with almost in- 
credible force. 

September 20M.. — At 1 o'clock, A. M., a smart musketry fire 
and cannonade took place, which lasted for about half an hour. 
At daylight discovered two new batteries, which the enemy had 
very nearly completed, and one of which contained a thirty- 
two pounder. We opened on them with a howitzer and an 
eighteen-pounder, but did them little mischief ; the batteries 
having been made excessively strong, with enormous beams of 
wood and earth. We, however, entirely prevented them from 
working at either battery during the ensuing night. The Cawn- 
pore battery was repaired, and the center mine from the brigade 
mess was connected with the one we had previously run out 
from the left. The guard-room at Anderson's house was low- 
ered by digging out the floor, so as to keep the guard clear of 
the round shot which passed through it ; the 13th mine was 
also worked eighteen feet further. A very considerable noise 
was heard in the city for some hours after dark. During the 
day nearly as many men as usual seen moving about. A 
private of Her Majesty's 32d at Innes's post was killed by a 
round shot. 

September ^Ist. — Between 12 and 1 o'clock, A. M., the 
enemy suddenly began a very smart musketry fire all along the 
city side of our position, and opened from their guns. We 
threw a few shells among them, and their fire soon subsided 
into the usual steady fire which had gone on every night of the 
siege. 

About 4 o'clock, A. M., we had very heavy rain, which lasted 
till about 11 o'clock, A. M. The heavy rain seemed to keep 



442 HEROES OE THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

the enemy quiet, and there was little firing on either side till 
1 o'clock, P. M., when one of our eighteen-pounders at the 
Post- Office opened on the enemy's new thirty -two pounder bat- 
tery, and knocked their parapet about, leaving the gun greatly 
exposed ; which enabled Captain Saunders's garrison to pick 
ofif two of the enemy's gunners at the gun, and keep it silent 
for the rest of the day. In the afternoon the enemy battered 
down a great portion of the wall inclosing the building occu- 
pied by the Martiniere school-boys, and killed a water-carrier 
who was drawing water at the time, and who was knocked dead 
into the well ; which Avas a great misfortune, as none of the 
natives would again use it. The body was got up soon after. 
Not many armed men were seen in the morning beyond the 
enemy's regular relief of guards and pickets. At 10 o'clock, 
P. M., heavy rain came on. About 11 o'clock, P. M., the 
enemy were reported to be in unusual strength near the Sikh 
Square, on which all were kept well on the alert. A shell was 
thrown among them, but nothing further took place. 

September 22d. — Continued heavy rain, which fell without 
cessation till about 3 o'clock, P. M. The garrison were in a 
great state of discomfort, as little shelter was to be had any 
where ; the roofs of all the buildings were so injured from 
eighty-four days' constant cannonading that but few could 
boast of a water-proof residence. Lieutenant CunlifFe, of the 
Artillery, died early this morning from fever ; he had previously 
been wounded. A Sikh Sepoy, of the 13th, a native artillery- 
man, two private servants, and three grass-cutters deserted 
during the night ; and in the course of the morning four cook 
boys contrived to desert during the heavy rain. The rain did 
considerable damage to various parts of our defenses, washing 
down many of the fascines in the batteries, and causing several 
parts of the defenses at Mr. Gubbins's and Innes's post to fall 
down. A great part of the outside wall of the brigade mess 
also fell from the same cause. Toward evening the enemy 



SIR HENRY LAWRENCE. 443 

opened their guns, and we dismounted one of their nine- 
pounders by a shell, which fell on the top of one of them and 
killed two gunners. About 11 o'clock, P. M., Ungud, pen- 
sioner, returned, bringing us a letter containing the glad tidings 
that our relieving force, under General Outram, had crossed the 
Ganges, and would arrive in a few days. His arrival, and the 
cheering news he brought of speedy aid, was well-timed ; for 
neither our fast-diminishing stores, the vague and uncertain ru- 
mors of the advent of reinforcements, nor the daily sights and 
sounds by which we were surrounded, were calculated to inspire 
confidence and check desertion among the servants and camp- 
followers. All the garrison were greatly elated with the news, 
and on many of the sick and wounded the speedy prospect of 
a change of air and security exercised a most beneficial effect. 
Heavy rain fell about 11 o'clock, P. M. 

September 23(f. — About 3 o'clock, A. M., the rain cleared off, 
and at 11 o'clock, A. M., the sun came out and the clouds 
dispersed, and gave promise of fair weather. A smart can- 
nonade was heard in the direction of Cawnpore ; several 
imagined they also heard musketry, and the sound was listened 
to with the most intense and even painful anxiety by the gar- 
rison, who felt assured it must be their friends advancing to 
their assistance. But it was hardly expected that our force 
could have advanced so far, owing to the heavy rain which had 
fallen, and the state in consequence that the roads and country 
were in ; howevei', at 5 o'clock, P. M., another distant cannonade 
was heard, which lasted for half an hour, and which appeared 
much nearer than before : this elicited many and divers opinions, 
and created the greatest possible excitement. 

Throughout the day large bodies of troops with guns and 
ammunition wagons were seen moving about in the city, in the 
early part of the day to the right, and later, in large bodies to 
the left. In the afternoon the enemy placed a gun in position 
facing down the Kass Bazar street, with what object it was 



444 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

impossible to say. We threw many shells into the city during 
the day among the parties of the enemy seen moving about. 
At 9 o'clock, P. M., heavy rain began and fell for two hours. 

September 24:ih. — Every thing most uniisually quiet through- 
out the night, and only one or two cannon shot were fired early 
in the morning. A considerable body of cavalry were seen 
moving to the right through the city, and about 8.30 o'clock, 
A. M., a distant cannonade was heard, which continued nearly 
all day. 

We had no news of any kind, and the anxiety of the gar- 
rison was very great. During the morning large bodies of the 
enemy were seen moving through the city to the right and left. 
Ensign Hewitt, of the 41st Eegiment Native Infantry, was 
slightly contused on the head by bricks struck out of a wall by 
a round shot. At 8 o'clock, P. M., the enemy made a false 
attack on the Cawnpore battery, keeping up a heavy cannonade 
and musketry fire, which lasted for about half an hour, after 
which all became moderately quiet. During the night guns 
were heard in the direction of the Cawnpore road, and the flash 
of them could be very distinctly seen ; they were supposed to 
be about seven miles distant. 

September 2btk. — A very unquiet night. Two alarms, one at 
1.30 o'clock, A. M., and another at 4 o'clock, A. M. The 
whole garrison were under arms nearly the whole night. A 
very great disturbance in the city, in the direction of Mr. Gub- 
bins's post especially. To the very great regret of the garrison. 
Captain RadcliiFe, of the 7th Light Cavalry, was dangerously 
w'ounded while in command of the Cawnpore battery. About 10 
o'clock, A. M., a messenger came in bringing in a letter of the 
16th instant from General Outram, dated Cawnpore, announ- 
cing his being about to cross over to this side of the Ganges, 
and march on to Lucknow. The messenger could give no ac- 
count of our force, beyond its having reached the outskirts of 
the city. 



SIR HENUY LAWRENCE. 445 

About 11 o'clock, A. M., nearly all sound of firing had ceased, 
but increased agitation was visible among the people in the 
town, in which two large fires were seen. An hour later the 
sound of musketry and the smoke of guns was distinctly per- 
ceived within the limits of the city. All the garrison was on 
the alert, and the excitement among many of the oiiicers and 
soldiers was quite painful to witness. At 1.30 o'clock, P. M., 
many of the people of the city commenced leaving, with bun- 
dles of clothes, etc., on their heads, and took the direction of 
cantonments across the different bridges. At 2 o'clock, P.M., 
armed men and Sepoys commenced to follow them, accom- 
panied by large bodies of Irregular Cavalry. Every gun and 
mortar that could be brought to bear on the evidently retreating 
enemy, was fired as fast as possible, for at least an hour and a 
half. The enemy's bridge of boats had evidently been destroyed 
and broken away, for many were seen swimming across the 
river, most of them cavalry, with their horses' bridles in their 
hands. Strange to relate, during all this apparent panic, the 
guns of the enemy in position all round us kept up a heavy 
cannonade, and the matchlockmen or riflemen never ceased firing 
from their respective loop-holes. 

At 4 o'clock, P. M., report was made that some officers 
dressed in shooting coats and solah caps, a regiment of Eu- 
ropeans in blue pantaloons and shirts, and a bullock battery 
were seen near Mr. Martin's house and theMootee Mahul. At 5 
o^clock, P. M., volleys of musketry, rapidly growing louder, 
were heard in the city. But soon the firing of a Minie ball 
over our heads gave notice of the still nearer approach of our 
friends ; of whom as yet little or nothing had been seen, 
though the enemy were to be seen firing heavily on them from 
many of the roofs of the houses. Five minutes later and our 
troops were seen fighting their way through one of the principal 
streets ; and though men fell at almost every step, yet nothing 
could withstand the headlong gallantry of our reinforcements. 



446 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

Once fairly seen, all our doubts and fears regarding them were 
ended ; and then the garrison's long pent-up feelings of anxiety 
and suspense hurst forth in a succession of deafening cheers ; 
from every pit, trench, and battery — from behind the sand-bags 
piled on shattered houses — from every post still held by a few 
gallant spirits, rose cheer on cheer — even from the hospital ! 
Many of the wounded crawled forth to join in that glad shout 
of welcome to those who had so bravely come to our assistance. 
It was a moment never to be forgotten. 

Soon all the rear-guard and heavy guns were inside our posi- 
tion ; and then ensued a scene which baffles description. For 
eighty-seven days the Lucknow garrison had lived in utter ig- 
norance of all that had taken place outside. Wives who had 
long mourned their husbands as dead, were again restored to 
them ; others, fondly looking forward to glad meetings with 
those near and dear to them, now for the first time learned that 
they were alone. On all sides eager inquiries for relations and 
friends were made. Alas ! in too many instances the answer 
was a painful one. 

The force under the command of General Sir James Outram, 
G. C. B., came to our assistance at a heavy sacrifice to them- 
selves. Of two thousand, six hundred who left Cawnpore, 
nearly one-third was either killed or wounded in forcing their 
way through the city ; indeed the losses were so heavy that they 
could effect nothing toward our relief ; as the enemy were in 
overpowering force, and the position having been extended, in 
order to accommodate as far as possible our great increase in 
numbers, and the guns that were in our vicinity having been 
captured at considerable loss to ourselves, we remained on three- 
quarter-rations, as closely besieged as before, till the 22d No- 
vember ; when the garrison were finally relieved by the army 
under the Commander-in-chief. 



6REATHED AND CAMPBELL. 447 



GREATHED AND CAMPBELL 

AFTER THE FALL OF DELHI. 

In such a work as this it is, of course, impossible to give a 
history of the Indian rebellion, or to notice all those engaged 
in putting it down. A few words, however, are due to the 
valiant deeds of Colonel Greathed and Sir Colin Campbell 
after the fall of Delhi. It must not be supposed that the result 
af that important event was the submission of the mutineers. 
They moved at once in great masses down the country, in the 
hope of overwhelming the feeble garrison at Fort Agra ; but 
the avenger closely followed them. 

On the 24th of September Colonel Greathed, of Her Maj- 
esty's 84th, was dispatched in pursuit of the retreating enemy 
with a force of one thousand, six hundred infantry, five hun- 
dred cavalry, three troops of horse artillery, and eighteen guns. 
At Secunderabad the house of the head-man, being found to 
contain a quantity of plundered property, including ladies' 
dresses, bonnets, lace, etc., the village was burnt to the ground, 
though it was by no means certain that the villagers were any 
further to blame than in having retained the spoils abandoned 
by the Sepoys in their flight. On reaching Bolundshuhur the 
enemy was discovered strongly posted at the junction of two 
roads. Their guns, being light field-pieces, were speedily 
silenced by the heavy and well-directed fire of the British artil- 
lery. The cavalry, both European and native, then dashed into 
the town and drove the rebels before them, but not without 
sustaining some loss while charging between the rows of 



448 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

houses. That same evening the advanced guard pushed on 
to the fort of Malaghur, which had already heen deserted. 
The place is described as " a mud fort, with high ramparts, 
and mud bastions at each angle, also another bastion between 
each of the angles, making, in all, eight bastions." The walls 
of the rampart were loop-holed, the ditch was wide and steep, 
and an outwoi-k had been constructed in front of an otherwise 
unprotected portion of the curtain. Seven or eight small guns 
of wrought iron were mounted on the walls ; but the shot was 
hammered, the grape consisted of bits of telegraph wire tied up 
in leather bags, and the port-fires were made of pieces of sul- 
phur. Quantities of European articles were found in the fort, 
such as canaries, known to have belonged to a lady at Bolund- 
shuhur, crockery of all kinds, and large boxes of loaf-sugar 
from Shahjehanpore. It was, accordingly, resolved to destroy 
the fortifications ; but in carrying out this wise determination, 
Lieutenant Home, who had so signally distinguished himself 
in blowing open the Cashmere Grate of Delhi, was accidentally 
killed by the premature explosion of a mine. Sending back 
his sick and wounded to Meerut, Brigadier Greathed resumed 
his onward march on the 2d of October, and came up with a 
body of the insurgents at Allyghur. Above three hundred of 
them were killed in the action that ensued, and early on the 
morning of the 10th the column marched into Agra, and en- 
camped amid the ruins of the old cantonments. Just as the 
wearied soldiers had finished a hasty breakfast, and while they 
were yet busied in pitching their tents, a battery of guns behind 
the burial-ground opened upon their right flank, and, at the 
same time, a numerous body of horse galloped into the midst, 
sabering every one they encountered. Never was there a more 
complete surprise or one more rapidly counteracted. Before 
the sixth round was fired the horse artillery had already begun 
to reply, and a handful of the 9th Lancers and Sikhs, leaping 
into the saddle, charged the enemy without waiting for orders. 



GREATHED AND CAMPBELL. 449 

Nine of the Lancers, led on by Lieutenants French and Jones, 
recovered a gun that had been taken by five times their number 
of horsemen ; Lieutenant French, however, losing his life in 
the performance of this gallant exploit, and his brother officer 
being severely wounded. In an incredibly short space of time 
horse, foot, and artillery turned out and attacked the insolent 
foe, who in vain sought safety in flight. As soon as the firing 
was heard in the fort, the 3d Bengal Fusileers hastened out to 
the assistance of their comrades, and eagerly joined in the pur- 
suit, which was kept up for ten miles. The rebels lost fourteen 
guns, upward of one thousand men, and treasure to the value 
of £16,000 in this dashing afi'air, and were, moreover, entirely 
disorganized and dispersed. The loss on the side of the Brit- 
ish was comparatively insignificant : one officer, four Eu- 
ropeans, and six Sikhs killed ; four officers, twenty-two Eu- 
ropeans, and twenty-eight Sikhs wounded. It was afterward 
ascertained that the surprise was mutual. The enemy, who 
were the mutineers from Mhow and Indore, were not aware of 
the arrival of Greathed's column, and expected that they would 
only have had to do with the garrison of the fort. The fugi- 
tives fled, in scattered parties, to Bhurtpore, Muttra, and Myn- 
pooree, but were repulsed by the inhabitants. They were 
joined, however, by the rajah of the last-named place, who 
abandoned his fort on the approach of the British. From 
Mynpooree the movable column, now under the command of 
Brigadier Hope Grrant — as senior to the gallant Greathed — ■ 
proceeded toward Cawnpore, and at the ancient city of Ca- 
nouj overtook a band of Sepoys, from Delhi, whom they 
routed with considerable slaughter and the loss of five guns. 
On the 28th Brigadier Grant reached Cawnpore, and two days 
afterward crossed the Ganges and entered the province of Oude. 
By the 8th of November he had made his way to Alum Bagh, 
where he awaited the arrival of reinforcements under Sir Colin 

Campbell in person. This Alum Bagh was a summer residence 

38 



450 HEROES OP THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

of tte dowager queen of Oude, situated about three miles from 
Lucknow, on the Cawnpore side. It was simply a large man- 
sion in the midst of a garden, or small park, inclosed within 
four walls, with a sort of bastion at each angle. Within this 
in closure General Havelock had left his sick and wounded 
men, under the protection of Her Majesty's 64th Kegiment and 
some heavy guns. Between Alum Bagh and the city extended 
an open plain, intersected by a canal. This intervening space 
was occupied by the rebels in great force — it is said to the 
number of fifty thousand — and thus all communication was 
broken off between this post and the Kesidency on the other 
side of Lucknow. 

While these transactions were taking place within or near 
the boundaries of Oude, a movable column, under Brigadier 
Showers, had been actively employed in tranquilizing the 
district around Delhi. The imperial city itself remained 
desolate and abandoned. Its former inhabitants feared to 
return and confront the insolence of the justly-incensed con- 
querors ; for little could they imagine that a spurious philan- 
thropy was already engaged in devising excuses for guilt. 
Several inferior members, indeed, of the royal family were 
convicted and put to death, but in most cases justice was 
evaded, and almost any pretext was accepted as an extenuating 
circumstance. 

The state of Rajpootana was also far from satisfactory. 
On several occasions detached parties of mutineers were 
roughly handled ; but when driven from one point they sprung 
up in another, preserving their organization and cohering to 
a remarkable extent. In central India, likewise, considerable 
agitation existed long after the fall of Delhi, and it was only 
the presence of a column of Madras troops that prevented the 
smoldering embers from bursting forth into a fierce and all- 
devouring conflagration. 

By the middle of October considerable reinforcements from 



GREATHED AND CAMPBELL. 451 

England began to arrive at the three presidencies, and especially 
at Calcutta. Sir Colin Campbell consequently determined to 
hasten with all speed to Cawnpore, and assume the command 
of the field forces. During his journey up country, however, 
he narrowly escaped being cut oif by a detachment of the 32d 
Eegiment, which had recently mutinied at Deoghur, and were 
then crossing the Grand Trunk Road a few hundred yards in 
advance. The British Commander-in-chief, traveling without 
an escort, had no alternative but to retreat to a dak bungalow, 
where a party of European soldiers happened to be resting 
themselves after a long march. A few hours afterward Sir 
Colin pushed forward to Benares, which he reached on the 31st 
October, an^ thence proceeded with the same fiery speed to Al- 
lahabad and Cawnpore. On the 11th November he crossed the 
Ganges, and lost no time in making his way to Alum Bagh. 
Here he found himself at the head of seven to eight thousand 
men, eager to meet the treacherous foe, and to avenge their 
murdered countrymen. 

On the evening of the 12th the Commander-in-chief arrived 
at Alum Bagh, after a sharp skirmish with a body of two thou- 
sand rebels, supported by two guns, these being captured by a 
brilliant charge of the Irregular Horse, under Lieutenant Gough. 
Leaving Her Majesty's 75th in garrison at Alum Bagh, Sir Co- 
lin resumed his march on the 14th, and, as he approached the 
pleasure-grounds of Dilkoosha — literally. "Heart's Delight" — 
was received by a long line of musketry-fire. A running 
fight ensued for about two hours, during which the enemy was 
driven down the hill to the Martini^re College — so named after 
its founder. General Claude Martine, a French adventurer in the 
service of Saadut Ali — across the garden and park of the Mar- 
tini^re, and some distance beyond the canal that intersects the 
plain. While arrangements were being made for securing the ad- 
vanced position so gallantly attained, the rebels again took 
heart, and renewed the action. Their discomfiture, however. 



452 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

was rapid and complete, thongli not without some loss on the 
part of the British, Captain Wheatcroft, of the Carbineers, and 
Lieutenant Mayne, B. H. A., being among the slain. The en- 
tire baggage of the relieving force having been left at Dilkoosha, 
under charge of Her Majesty's 8th Foot, Sir Colin advanced 
against Sik«nderBagh — "Alexander's Garden" — a walled in- 
closure, one hundred and twenty yards square, carefully loop- 
holed all round. About one hundred yards distant is a small 
village, the houses of which were also loop-holed, and held in 
great force. Skirmishers having been thrown out in front, the 
guns were pushed forward, and opened fire within musket-range. 
As the leading brigade of infantry, under Brigadier the Hon. 
Adrian Hope, neared the village, it was suddenly abandoned, 
and thus the British General was enabled to concentrate his fire 
on the Sikunder Bagh. In little more than an hour and a half 
a narrow breach was effected, through which poured like a tor- 
rent the 93d Highlanders, the 53d, and the 4th Punjaub Light 
Infantry. A terrible slaughter was here inflicted on the enemy, 
no fewer than two thousand corpses being afterward carried 
out. Captain Peel's naval siege-train then went to the front, 
and advanced within a few yards of the loop-holed wall inclosing 
the Shah Nujeef. In the words of the Commander-in-chief, 
" the withering fire of the Highlanders effectually covered the 
naval brigade from great loss, but it was an action almost un- 
exampled in war. Captain Peel behaved very much as if he 
had been laying the Shannon along-side an enemy's frigate." 
After a heavy cannonade of three hours this position likewise 
was carried by storm, and then the wearied troops lay down to 
rest. On the following day the mess-house was battered by the 
heavy guns till it was no longer tenable, when it was taken 
with a rush. The troops then burst into the inclosure round 
the Mootee Mahul — "Pearl Palace" — where the enemy made a 
last despairing stand, and a communication was opened with 
the Residency. That same afternoon Sir James Outram and 



GREATHED AND CAMPBELL. 453 

Sir Henry Havelock came out to welcome their deliverer, and 
to exchange hearty greetings. It was, indeed, a proud moment 
for all, for there was not a man there present who had not nobly 
done his duty. But it was no time for congratulations and 
compliments. A numerous and desperate enemy swarmed 
around on all sides, except on that by which the relieving force 
had hewed its way. Sir Colin's first care, therefore, was to re- 
move the toil-worn garrison to a place of safety, for he at 
once recognized the impossibility of holding Lucknow in the 
presence of the overwhelming masses of the insurgents. Ac- 
cordingly, on the 20th, he covered his real intentions by opening 
a tremendous fire on the Kaiser Bagh, which was breached, in 
three places. While the rebels were preparing to sustain the 
anticipated assault, the garrison withdrew, at midnight of the 
22d, through the lines of pickets. 

The relieving army had purposely taken up such positions as 
would enable the illustrious heroes of Lucknow to evacuate the 
post they had so long maintained, without being exposed to the 
chance of even a stray musket-shot. All ranks eagerly co- 
operated with their chivalrous leader to effect this object, and 
formed themselves, as it were, into a guard of honor. The 
women and children, the sick and wounded, and the state pris- 
oners, had previously been removed, together with all the serv- 
iceable guns and treasure belonging to the ex-king, to the 
value of nearly a quarter of a million sterling. " The move- 
ment of retreat," says Sir Colin, "was admirably executed, and 
was a perfect lesson in such combinations. Each exterior line 
came gradually retiring through its supports, till at length 
nothing remained but the last line of infantry and guns, with 
which I was myself to crush the enemy, if he had dared to fol- 
low up the pickets. The only line of retreat lay through a long 
and tortuous lane, and all these precautions were absolutely 
necessary to insure the safety of the force." The rebels, how- 
ever, were altogether at fault as to the true nature of the 



454 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 

maneuvers that were being so skillfully executed, and made no 
attempt whatever to disturb them. Colonel Greathed, again 
worthily appointed to the command of a brigade, brought up 
the rear-guard, and at four o'clock, in the morning of the 23d 
the British army was once more encamped in the grounds of 
the Dilkoosha. On the previous day the enemy had made a 
fruitless attempt to turn the rear by attacking Alum Bagh, but 
were easily repulsed by Brigadier Little. Toward the afternoon 
of the 24th, Sir Colin proceeded to escort his invaluable convoy 
to Alum Bagh, where he was joined the following day by the 
rear-guard, under Sir James Outram, Leaving that able Gen- 
eral with a strong division to hold the enemy in check, the 
Commander-in-chief hastened on to Cawnpore, and achieved a 
forced march of forty-three miles in thirty-one hours — for he 
had heard the report of a heavy cannonading from afar, and 
knew that imminent danger threatened that important station. 
The excitement must have been so far acceptable, that it diverted 
his thoughts from one of the most grievous calamities which 
had yet befallen the British army since the commencement of 
the mutiny. General Havelock was no more. Worn out with 
fatigue and anxiety, that truly-great man sunk under an attack 
of dysentery, and died at Alum Bagh on the 25th November. 
Since the death of Nelson, no man has enjoyed so large a share 
of the sympathies of the nation. Others may have been even 
more applauded as conquerors, but not one has achieved such 
universal popularity, in the highest sense of the word, or so 
completely fascinated what may be termed the private feel- 
ings of the British people. He had become an object of al- 
most tender interest, and the announcement of his death threw 
a gloom over all classes of society. Every one felt as if he had 
lost a dear friend ; and cold and phlegmatic must he have been 
who could that morning indulge in hilarity. A humble tribute 
to Havelock's services as a soldier, and his virtues as a Christian 
man, will be found in another place ; for the moment, we are 



JSmEATHED AND CAMPBELL. 455 

constrained to resume the thread of this strangely-checkered 
narrative. 

The Gwalior Contingent, after moving about with apparently 
no settled purpose, had finally made up their minds to move 
upon Cawnpore. Fortunately, they had deferred this resolution 
till after the relief of Lucknow was effected ; otherwise. Sir 
Colin Campbell might have been sorely perplexed as to the 
proper course to pursue. It was thus the 26th of November 
when their advanced guard arrived at the Pandoo Nuddee — the 
scene of one of Havelock's early victories, and only a few 
miles from Cawnpore. General Windham, the " hero of the 
Eedan," apparently underrated his enemy, and accordingly 
moved out with 2,000 Europeans, belonging to the 64th, 82d, 
and 88th Regiments, and gave them battle. At first he was 
partially successful, and inflicted some loss. In the course of 
that night, however, the two other divisions of the Contingent 
joined their comrades, and thus formed an army of 14,000 men, 
with a numerous cavalry, and 40 pieces of artillery. Early on 
the following morning, this formidable force suddenly threw 
themselves upon the feeble detachment before them, made them 
give ground, and burnt their tents. The British troops then 
retired within their intrenchments, where they were fiercely 
assailed on two sides. The Eifles making a desperate sortie, 
captured two eighteen -pounders, and drove back their assailants ; 
but on the extreme right, the 64th and 88th were terribly cut up. 
Of the former corps, four officers were killed, and two taken 
prisoners, of whom one was hanged, and the other beaten to 
death with shoes ; Colonel Wilson was among the slain. The 
mutineers then desisted from the assault, and contented them- 
selves with occupying the native town. Their triumph, how- 
ever, was short-lived. Alarmed by the long-continued cannon- 
ade. Sir Colin Campbell hastened with all speed to the relief 
of his beleaguered comrades. Leaving his convoy and baggage 
on the Oude side of the river, he crossed the Ganges, and swept 



456 HEROES OF THE INIflAN REBEl^LION. 

the enemy from before the intrencliments, and took sixteen of 
their guns. He then brought over the women and the wounded, 
and sent them on under safe escort to Allahabad, which they 
reached in due course of time, and were thence forwarded to 
Calcutta. Freed at length from all anxiety on this head, the 
Commander-in-chief turned his undivided attention to the 
insolent enemy who still remained in his presence. At eleven 
o'clock in the forenoon of the 6th of December, he began the 
attack by shelling them out of the town, and then fell on them 
with his infantry. They waited not to come to close quarters, 
but fled in hot haste toward. Calpee, closely pursued by the 
cavalry under Brigadier Hope Grant. So rapid was their flight, 
that they were not overtaken till they had reached the Serai- 
ghaut. Plunging into the river, they vzaded or swam to the 
other side, abandoning fifteen guns and all their ammunition, 
stores, and baggage. Never was rout more complete, or more 
easily accomplished. Deprived of their artillery, the Gwalior 
Contingent ceased to be an object of apprehension, and by their 
flight into Oude, liberated a large force that must otherwise 
have been detailed to watch their movements. It now became 
possible to institute a grand hattue against the mutineers — to 
draw them together as in a net, and to crush them. With this 
object in view. Colonel Franks, a very distinguished officer, was 
instructed to collect the reinforcements, as they marched up 
country, at Benares, and to block the south-eastern frontier of 
Oude. Toward the north-east all escape was impossible, from 
the arrival at Goruckpore of 9,000 Ghoorkas, under the im- 
mediate command of Jung Bahadooi', the ruling minister of 
Nepaul. On the west, a movable column from Delhi, after 
pacifying the surrounding district, was prepared to reoccupy 
Bohilcund, recover Bareilly, and give the hand to the avenging 
army of Sir Colin Campbell. The final suppression of the 
mutiny was the work of more than one campaign. 



/, 



